The Impact of Brazilian of the Presence in Rosario

This subsection presents some aspects related to the reterritorialization process of Brazilians in Argentine territory. In seeking to understand this migrant process, several geographical concepts can be evoked to support the analysis. In the case of territory, this allows working on the subject from different angles: national sovereignty, territorial identity, territorial praxis for migrant permanence and resistance, power relations in which conflict and cooperation between different actors are mapped, and so on. This subsection is based on interviews with 12 Brazilian migrants from different cities, such as São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Ribeirão Preto, Brasilia, Londrina, Manaus, Frutal, Cametá, and Macapá.

Thus, territory is thought of as a social construct, both objectively and subjectively, marked by power relations that are linked to the processes of appropriation and domination of space (^{Saquet, 2015}). Regarding appropriation, the author points out:

Appropriation has three main meanings: a) as possession, ownership, control, individual and/or collective dominion by present or absent individuals of the appropriated space, through immaterial and material mechanisms and mediators; b) as delimitation, with or without precision, parceling, division; and c) as use, inference, and utilization of objects, instruments, machines, land, streets, buildings, individuals, in short, of space and nature (^{Saquet, 2015}, pp. 108-109).

The phenomenon under analysis can fit into the three meanings of appropriation presented, as all are in some way imbued with the lived experience of migrants. Still, the third one stands out as the most relevant: “inference, and utilization of objects, instruments, machines, land, streets, buildings, individuals” (^{Saquet, 2015}, pp. 108-109). Brazilian migrants arriving in Argentina occupy a portion of the space (wherein they establish their residence). In the case of those who migrate for reasons of education, the university is the concrete and symbolic space where they will be nourished with knowledge.

By choosing to reside in a foreign nation, immigrants gradually begin to appropriate and use spaces that until then had unknown forms and functions. It is through daily practice that a relationship of belonging to the new spatiality is gradually built. In the case of the Brazilians interviewed, it was observed that when they begin to occupy public spaces, such as streets, squares, and the university itself, what ^{Saquet (2015}) calls symbolic appropriation takes place: “when a group of people frequently occupies certain streets, there is, there, a symbolic and concrete appropriation without titles, but with demarcation, intentionality, and interference with their presence in that space, thus constituted into their territory of action” (Saquet, 2015, p. 109).

By migrating to Rosario, these Brazilian students undertake the process of reterritorialization, which can be interpreted as the appropriation of a certain space (^{Saquet, 2015}). The author’s reflections allow understanding that territorialization is not a homogeneous process, as it involves social relations between actors that may be different in each reality analyzed, reflecting on aspects such as rules and norms, working conditions, networks, conflicts, among others. Thus, in each context, territorialization is shaped according to the characteristics of each territory.

The presence of Brazilian migrants in Rosario has different geographic impacts when compared to that of other groups. Thus, the particularities inherent to this group-such as language, worldview, economic condition, and ethnic/racial composition-will make their experience different from that of Haitians or Chileans, for example. The presence of Brazilians will have impacts on already established local territorialities because these are flexible and change in the face of a given spatial- temporal context (^{Saquet, 2015}). Therefore, many of these territorialities in Rosario can be substantially altered at the most diverse scales: streets, neighborhoods, universities, and political spaces.

During the research, the different variables that interfere in the reterritorialization process of Brazilian migrants on Argentinian soil were mapped. This article will highlight three: 1) the impact of migrants on the local economy; 2) the difficulties in adapting to the language and the teaching method; and 3) the influence of social networks.

The Economic Boost Generated by the Brazilian Community

According to reflections on the concept of territory based on ^{Saquet and Mondardo (2008}), and ^{Raffestin (1993}), territories can be understood as being interconnected by networks. In the case of migrants, they establish links between the territories left behind during their emigration process and those they occupy now in their reterritorialization process. These contacts are forged in different ways and for different purposes, whether through intangible networks, such as the Internet, or material ones, such as air transport. These networks enable communication with family and friends, as well as the smooth transfer of monthly remittances between migrants and their families. This last aspect will be analyzed in detail due to its close relationship with the positive impact that Brazilian migration has had on the local economy of Rosario, particularly in the real estate sector.

The urban space is known to be at once fragmented and articulated through visible flows- such as the coming and going of goods, people, and vehicles-and invisible flows-such as power relations, interests, incomes, and wages-(^{Oliveira & Antonello, 2021}). Thus, in urban space there is a complex network of dynamics and relationships that produce and transform the city. When one takes a closer look at urban processes, the relationships between different social actors and their specific interests become clearer, among which one can mention the owners of the means of production, landowners, marginalized social groups, real estate developers, and the State (^{Corrêa, 1989}).

The urban space production process in Latin American cities is complex because, at the same time that it is shaped by common dynamics derived from capitalist logic, it also exhibits specific features linked to cultural and structural aspects. In the case of Rosario, for example, a very particular characteristic can be seen in the commercialization of urban land as a commodity, where exchange value prevails over use value. This specific feature is the result of the financial crisis that has affected Argentina in recent years, and is manifested in the sale of properties in U.S. dollars (USD), which influences the process of reterritorialization of migrants, who must deal with this variable. During the elaboration of the master’s thesis from which this article is derived (^{Oliveira, 2021}), contact was established with the owner of a real estate company in Rosario, who clarified that the purchase and sale of properties in USD is an unnatural practice that has been taking place throughout Argentina for at least 25 years now. This is a reflection of the financial crisis and the lack of credit, and immigrants contribute to energize this market.

The positive impact of Brazilian migration on the local economy has been noticeable in the real estate market. The rent expense accounts for most of the monthly income of these migrants. It is worth noting how research has revealed that the Rosario real estate market is also driven by the migration of students from other regions of Argentina and Latin American countries. However, the contribution of the Brazilian community is particularly significant. This is due not only to the notable increase in Brazilian immigrants, but also to the fact that they pay their rents in Brazilian reais (BRL), a currency that has increased its value in the face of the Argentinian peso devaluation, thus providing greater stability to these migrants and allowing them to take on longer rental contracts. It should be pointed out that this injection of money into the local economy is not accompanied by a greater filling of local job positions, since the main purpose of Brazilian migrants is to study and not to work.

As for the profile of Brazilian migrants, José,⁵ who owns a real estate company, states that most of those who sign a contract are men and do so for a period of between 12 and 18 months. He comments that the expenses are usually divided between two or three migrants, that they are generally good payers, and that the amount of these expenses is around 10 000 Argentine pesos per month⁶ (José González, personal communication, February 12, 2020).

Students generally tend to be located in the downtown area closest to the Medical School. This choice is made because of the ease of access to a series of urban benefits: diversified commerce, better urban mobility, and openness to public services, especially health and education (mainly for those who have children). Migrants who arrive and do not know the city, choose the downtown as the safest place to look for living space and settle down.

The location ends up being, at least initially, more important than the house structure. From the interviews insights were gained into the cases of many Brazilians who, upon arriving in the city, preferred to stay in student housing, without much comfort or privacy, rather than looking for living space in the peripheral region or in other municipalities of the metropolitan region that would be more affordable to rent than the mono-apartments in downtown Rosario.

The second reason is due to the social relations that attract them to the downtown: their social networks contacts that already live in these localities, the contact with students from other parts of Latin America and the interior of Argentina who also migrate to study at the UNR and choose the downtown to settle, especially in the vicinity of the Medical School.

The presence of Brazilians has led some real estate companies to develop new ways to exploit the more fragile condition of these foreigners in Rosario and in other Argentinian cities that receive Brazilian students. It is common for real estate companies to request certain corroborative documents before closing the contract: proof of income, property guarantee, among others. The requirements of the real estate companies may be higher or lower depending on the company; in some of them, it becomes practically impossible to rent.

Since Brazilians do not have an employment contract when they arrive in Argentina and do not know anyone who can act as a guarantor, real estate agencies offer the option of them (migrants) giving a large sum of money called a security deposit, which is returned at the end of the contract. The option of renting by means of said deposit is the only way that the great majority has to get a residence, which compromises their budget and makes the first few months difficult, since one has to pay the monthly rent altogether with the deposit, plus utility expenses: water, electricity, gas, etc. In addition to the rent, the deposit, and the expenses, the real estate agencies charge a commission, making the first months of residence in Argentina even more expensive.

In Rosario, few are the Brazilians who take the responsibility of renting a residence by themselves. The implications of finding a place by oneself and the associated negotiations with the real estate agency (or directly with the owner), assuming the rent and other expenses, is a difficult dynamic, taking into account that many Brazilians arrive without good command of the language and without the necessary documentation. Therefore, most of them split the expenses with another one or more people.

Thus, from the moment Brazilians arrive until the end of their stay in Argentina, they establish an intimate relationship with the real estate market. This relationship remains hot mainly in the first months of the year when many Brazilians arrive desperate for a place to live and end up complying (out of ignorance or necessity). The conditions imposed by real estate companies exacerbate the cost of living and become a necessary evil. These companies know that Brazilians need housing, and that when they arrive in Argentina they bring with them financial resources to support and protect themselves in case something goes wrong. Therefore, assuming the law of supply and demand, real estate capital establishes conditions that end up being accepted.

When it comes to the initial expenses necessary to settle in Rosario, most of them pertain the gaining access to and the rent of housing. Martin, one of the Brazilians interviewed, recounts his initial expenses with the apartment:

When I arrived, I went to live in a small apartment that was shared by three people, the expenses were split accordingly. At that time, I was charged about 3 000 reais [approximately

697.67 USD]⁷ to move in. This amount corresponded to 1 500 reais in rent plus 1 500 as a security deposit that would be split at the end of the contract. All this was split in three, so it was not too expensive (Martin Rodrigues, personal communication, February 14, 2020).

Regarding costs of rent, it is important to keep in mind that the amount of money spent is related to the migrants’ length of stay. The research showed that Brazilians who have stayed longer in the city know its dynamics better, master the language, and are thus able to find better and more affordable housing. Martin, for example, who does not work and supports himself with remittances sent by his family from Brazil, lives with a monthly sum of around 800 BRL (approximately 185.36 USD) and commented that he lived at ease. Of that amount, about 500 BRL (approximately 116.27 USD) are allocated to rent (62.5% of his income), and he stated that the place is good. Many Brazilians, especially newcomers, usually pay that much for a single room.

It is important to address the relationship between Brazilian migrants and the real estate sector, because in addition to showing the positive impact of this population on the local economy, this relationship demonstrates the process in which Brazilian reterritorialization ceases to be restricted to symbolic appropriation; after the signing of the lease, territorialization is institutionalized. For a better understanding of this dynamic, it is worth taking into account that:

When we buy a piece of land in the countryside or in the city, we receive the title (deed) from the State, regularizing it as private property with certain delimitation, which guarantees us the right of use, earthworks, cultivation, construction, forest conservation, and so on. It is a space of domain and appropriation, whose territorialization depends on our will, financial conditions, current legislation, that is, on our spatial-temporal practices regulated by social norms (^{Saquet, 2015}, p. 109).

Thus, from the moment the contract is signed, the migrant receives the right to use of private property, and the territorialization-which occurs both at the symbolic and concrete levels- becomes effective in an agreement recognized by the State.

Another sector that directly receives the positive impact of Brazilian migrants is commerce, which is one of the most relevant sectors in the area (both in number of establishments and turnover) (^{Municipalidad de Rosario, 2015}). The interviews showed that the establishments most frequented by Brazilians are kiosks and the market, but laundromats, gyms, pharmacies, and other stores appear in the interviewees’ reports as well.

So as to ensure their stay in Argentinian territory throughout their education, many Brazilian students end up performing informal activities by offering products and services that are common in Brazil, but not easily accessible in Rosario (e.g., selling food). These are mainly offered on social media networks, which unites the Brazilian community in the online space.

Besides selling food, another activity of Brazilian immigrants is running student counseling companies that take care of the bureaucratic procedures related to the documentation to study in another country. This type of business is established mainly by older migrants, a situation found by ^{Rossini (2003}) in another context, where “the opportunities created by the first arrivals in Japan also make possible the creation of recruitment, information, and assistance services for the regularization of documentation” (Rossini, 2003, p. 75).

Along with their daily expending in local businesses, Brazilians who offer products of national origin and/or provide services contribute to the strengthening of the local economy by acquiring raw materials, including ingredients, and packaging. Thus, if on the one hand there is no monthly tuition fee at the public university, on the other hand there is a constant injection of resources into the local economy. This boosts the growth of the commerce sector, the real estate market, and other service-providing businesses.

Difficulties in Adapting to the Language and the Teaching Model

Among the variables that interfere in the reterritorialization process of Brazilian migrants and their stay on Argentinian soil, especially that of newcomers, are the difficulties with the language and other aspects related to student life, such as the method of admission, teaching, and evaluations at the UNR, which is a novelty for most migrant students. We observed that, in terms of language, difficulties are one of the variables that interfere the most in the successful reterritorialization of these migrants, since many migrate without knowing how to speak Spanish (^{Oliveira, 2021}). These migrants leave their country believing that Spanish will be an easy language for them to learn, and that until they fully master it they can use Portuguese to communicate (which in practice does not happen).

Faced with difficulties found by migrants in adapting to the language, as of 2017 the UNR began to require that incoming students who do not come from Spanish-speaking countries prove B2 level proficiency, which corresponds to the intermediate level (^{Angelucci & Pozzo, 2020}). This requirement took many newcomers and student counseling companies by surprise and was perceived by some as a way of gatekeeping against Brazilians, since a large number of them enter without full proficiency in Spanish and rather learn it over time (during the first year of study).

For María, another Brazilian migrant, the B2 requirement is a way to restrict access, yet not because of the test itself, but rather because of its high cost:⁸

Surely this requirement is intended to restrict, I actually do believe that the proof of competence is a reasonable measure, but I also believe that the university should have its own test and not one that is so expensive. This test is a restriction on those who cannot afford it (^{Oliveira, 2021}).

On the other hand, another interviewee named Luis said he did not believe that the requirement of the B2 level proficiency test is a way to prevent Brazilians entry at the UNR, because knowing how to speak the language of the institution in which the student intends to study is the minimum requirement that he or she should fulfill. Furthermore, by requiring this test, the institution makes newcomers study Spanish more diligently and prepare better for classes (L. Souza, personal communication, February 19, 2020).

Thus, on the one hand, it can be seen that not having a previous command of the Spanish language becomes a source of frustration for many Brazilians; this is due to the initial belief that learning Spanish is a simple process. On the other hand, mastery of the language stands as one of the determining factors for continuity or abandonment of the curriculum; some students choose to return definitively to Brazil, while others postpone their education for a period in which they dedicate themselves to intensive study of Spanish (^{Angelucci, 2020}). Thus, language is strongly related to the socio-territorial dynamics and practices of immigrants, being one of the determining factors in the process of reterritorialization in foreign lands.

The language barrier to reterritorialization is already there from the University Inclusion Module (Módulo de Inclusión Universitaria [MIU]), which is the admission method adopted by the UNR. It is during the MIU course that the frustration of the Brazilians concerning the Spanish language first arises, since the classes are not only directed by a teacher, but also depend on the participation of the students who have to make presentations before class and debate their opinions on the proposed guiding themes. This participation is part of the evaluation, so conversation is essential in the process.

As highlighted here, Argentinian universities do not operate under a restricted admission method based on a test score-as is the case in Brazilian universities-, so each university has its own admission method (as is the case of the MIU for the UNR). In this process, weekly classes are given on topics deemed important for the given degree and that the newly admitted students should be learned. The dynamics of these courses take the form of debates, homework, and group work. The topics discussed in the course for Medical School are human rights, health systems, and university citizenship, but the exercises go beyond the classroom, as is the case of the observation internship, where students must follow a doctor on-the-job for 16 hours and report on the activities witnessed: what the environment is like, why they chose the institution, how was the relationship with the doctor and the team, and so on. This dynamic can take place in Brazil or in Argentina.

It should be emphasized that the internship is observational only, the student should not intervene at any time in consultations or other medical actions. At the end of the observation, the supervising physician will write a brief report letter on the student’s behavior. It is important to note that the MIU has already been modified several times by the UNR (a process that has been continuously updated to make it more democratic and transparent).

The interviews showed that the teachers are very understanding of the Brazilians’ difficulty in the MIU and encourage them to interact despite their limitations in expressing themselves. Even so, it is common for Brazilians not to participate actively; even students who live in Rosario- already with a background in Spanish-tend not to participate as much in the classes due to a lack of confidence. Despite the difficulties Brazilians face in terms of language, interviewees’ reports show that the MIU is perceived as an efficient, effective, and democratic method of admission. In addition, the MIU provides an understanding of the vision of health defended by the university, whose principle is that health is a human right inherent to all people, which must be respected and defended, contributing to the deconstruction of market ideas of health that many Brazilians bring with them.⁹

As for the teaching method used in the curriculum, Problem Based Learning (Aprendizaje Basado en Problemas [ABP]), it is a method relevant for the demands of medical training courses and has been deployed for decades in different institutions around the world (^{Gomes et al., 2009}). This method stands out for subjecting students to problem situations that, upon being solved by them, turns them into active agents in their own training, contributing to the development of technical, cognitive, and attitudinal skills that will be required in the future when the students become health professionals.

As mentioned, the ABP is adopted by UNR; thus, there are no traditionally divided subjects; content is delivered in an integrated manner. This issue can be better understood in María’s relation:

The content is delivered in an integrated manner; to give you an idea: in Growth and Development we study from the evolution theories of Charles Darwin and Jean Baptiste Lamarck to the genetics of Gregor Mendel, all of it in an integrated way. I studied from Jean Piaget to Sigmund Freud (^{Oliveira, 2021}).

According to the interviews conducted and when it comes to the PBL method and its weekly activities, the student analyzes the question proposed and prepares to solve it; a tutor will then guide the students and walk them through the exercises. It is in this environment that the problem is discussed and the student presents his reflections to the tutor and his classmates. In this stage, they study on their own and familiarize themselves with the subjects.

The research found that the PBA method often puts off first-year students who are used to fragmented knowledge since this method consists in approaching problems as a whole. One of the interviewees revealed that a large number of Brazilians choose other Argentinian institutions to study medicine for fear of failing to adapt. Still, all our interviewees agreed that this methodology is efficient and effective since medical professionals should have a complex and comprehensive vision of the most diverse situations in order to provide the most complete care to patients.

The Territorialities of the Migrant-Student

The role of social networks stands out when the concept of territory is employed to understand the migratory process, and the establishment of territorialities that can be marked by episodes of conflict and/or cooperation among the other social actors that are part of said process. The mutual aid and social networks established among migrants are a feature of reterritorialization, as well as of the symbolic and affective identities that are formed in the new territory (^{Saquet, 2005}).

The value of social networks has been addressed in several studies that reinforce the potential of such networks to better understand the migration phenomenon. In this sense, and in the case of this analysis, social networks are established between Brazilians interested in facing this challenge-even before their arrival in Argentina-with those who have already settled (this networking is done over the Internet). This initial contact is aimed at obtaining information about the procedures, as well as at mapping people with whom, upon arrival, the rental costs can be divided. Social networks, both online and face-to-face, are fundamental for the reterritorialization process.

When speaking of the first days of Brazilian migrants in New York, ^{Margolis (1994}) reflected on the importance of social networks for support and adaptation, especially for newcomers. In the case analyzed by the author, contact with other Brazilians was identified as fundamental for finding a place to live and a job. She relates the case of Mrs. Dahlia’s guesthouse, a Brazilian woman famous in the community for receiving many migrants during the first days of their arrival. It was related to her that when there were no vacancies, the owner of the guesthouse even chose to sleep on the floor so that her bed could be rented to migrants:

From conversations with several hosts and with Mrs. Dahlia herself, it became clear that her guesthouse is much more than just a place to stay. It is at once a school, a counseling center, an employment agency, and a legal aid association, which provides newcomer immigrants with most of the information they need and the aide their require during their first days in New York (^{Margolis, 1994}, p. 119).

Also, in this discussion ^{Margolis (1994}) introduced the concept of chain migration, which is characterized by the fact that new migrants are pulled in by the encouragement of acquaintances who have already migrated. One of the migrants interviewed by the author said that every year each Brazilian migrant helps bring in at least two others, and so on. This reality applies to migration in Argentina for the purposes of the study; a good part of those who left for Argentina were influenced by a friend or acquaintance who was already there (^{Oliveira, 2021}). This dynamic is further encouraged with the popularization of digital social networks in recent years: many migrants-to-be receive information from online friends who comment on the joys and frustrations of migrant life through digital publications on the Internet.

In Rosario there are no entities such as clubs or associations of Brazilians, a fact that contributes to the first impression that the community is not very united. However, it is clear that a Brazilian social network does exist, although it is not very extensive. This becomes evident in the apartments rented by Brazilians, which are oftentimes shared by two or more; each living space becomes a small support network. Following ^{Granovetter’s (1973)} concept, the broadest social networks of Brazilians are formed by weak ties established with acquaintances, classmates, friends from online social networks, among others; while the strongest of bonds are established with those with whom the rent is shared and even with the family, which, despite being geographically distant, constitutes a great financial support. In relation to the non-existence of institutionalized spaces for socializing, ^{Margolis (1994}) found the same among Brazilians in New York. Among the author’s explanations, which can also be extended to the reality of the migrant-student in Argentina, it is found that Brazilians in both contexts do not plan to stay permanently in the destination country. They think about returning, since a cultural element is also involved:

To begin with, Brazil does not have the same tradition of mutual interest clubs or associations as in the United States. As anthropologist Kottak noted, “[The] typical American belongs to innumerable groups that are not based on family ties. These groups may include churches, political parties, clubs, teams, professional groups, organizations, associations, and committees. In Brazil, where home and the extended family vigorously protect its members from the outside world, associations that are not based on family ties are very rare.” Brazilians tend to live close to other family members, much more so than Americans, and spend much of their free time with them. Meeting strangers to talk about gardening or philately, or to plan a bake sale, strikes Brazilians as activities strange to them (^{Margolis, 1994}, p. 304).

The interviews also revealed that Brazilians tend to establish ties with their compatriots right from the beginning when looking for someone to share apartment expenses with. They also, nonetheless, constantly seek to establish contact and friendship with Argentinians. This interest is based on the possibility that friendship with them will generate a deeper sense of belonging, as well as improve their command of Spanish. That is to say, just as there is bonding among Brazilians, they also seek to for a certain distance from one another, since no complete reterritorialization can take place without establishing significant relationships with Argentinians.

A complex network of both strong and weak ties was identified among migrants, in which each node has its respective influence on the decision to leave and on the strategies to stay. This network is made up of immigrant groups in digital social networks, student groups, churches, other migrants, consulting firms, Brazilian families, real estate agents, the local population, and Argentinian public institutions.

Upon arriving in a location, the migrant gradually establishes new social relationships; the construction of these networks is a strategy to facilitate their insertion, for example, in the labor market (^{Brumes & Da Silva, 2011}). The constitution of social networks also articulates the migrant’s reality, as these networks provide migrants with a sense of belonging and identity. It is a way of strengthening themselves in the face of adaptation difficulties (^{Brumes, 2013}).

One point of convergence between the current analysis and ^{Margolis’ (1994}) research is the claims made by Brazilians about their compatriots. Just as reported in New York, it is common for Brazilians in Rosario not to keep good communication among themselves; still, Margolis (1994) invites us to reflect on the extent to which these statements are factual, since, in the case of Brazilians in New York, their existence would not be possible without at least one other Brazilian in their social network. Moreover, most of them settled with the help of other compatriots. The author reminds us that free time is spent with other Brazilians, and the same is true in the case of Rosario. For example, when they arrive in Argentina, they soon seek out other Brazilians as first friendships, to share expenses, they look for older students to understand the day-to-day life at the university and receive advice for exams, and so on.

The Facebook group of Brazilians living in Rosario was consulted extensively during our research, and numerous cases were found that show that this community is really supportive. We witnessed a case in which a young man was the victim of a scam after renting a studio apartment and making the deposit before arriving in the city: when he arrived in Rosario, he realized that his money was scammed from him. He found himself without a place to stay and without resources to rent another. When he shared his situation in the group and asked for help, several compatriots showed their solidarity and he was provided with a place to stay for the first month without, cost- free, which allowed him to get back on his feet. In the group, it is also common to find people who donate second-hand furniture and didactic material, as well as the exchange of relevant information for the newcomers, among other forms of support.

The topic of social networks went through several stages in the interviews but became rather explicit when surveying migrants in Focus Group 2, who are evangelicals and members of the same church (the Adventist Church). The topic of social networks was not a specific question in the interview, however, while in conversation with one of the interviewees, she evoked that issue and commented that the fellowship with her church members was very important for her adaptation. She also stated that the Argentinian members of the Adventist Church were quite welcoming, and this positively influenced her stay.

The fact that this social network is constituted not only by Brazilian migrants, but also by Argentinians, has strengthened them (migrants), even in the face of xenophobia, since their defense comes from Argentinian citizens. In the case of the Adventist Church, this network even aided in developing a sense of belonging, since the interviewee revealed that when they are together they feel part of a family, evidencing that at least in the moments when they are together, they do not perceive themselves as foreigners, but as part of a whole. Thus, the identity of the migrant gives way to that of the family member.