Introduction

Ageing is a natural and unavoidable process; however, the way in which ageing takes place and the meaning of this process is constructed socially and differs according to each culture. México, like other countries, is immersed in a process of ageing of its population, which is happening more distinctly in rural areas, where a higher degree of scarcity and impoverishment is observed (^{Zapata et al., 2008}).

The total population of elderly people in the Mexican rural sphere was 2 762 443 in 2010 (^{INEGI, 2010}). At the current growth rate, the ageing index of the population with access to land in the rural environment (relation of the population 60 years old or older divided by the population younger than 15) will increase (^{SAGARPA-FAO, 2014}). Therefore, actions should be undertaken to plan and tend to social and economic demographic problems of this population group.

The life situation of Elderly People (EP) in rural peasant and indigenous contexts has been scarcely studied from the perspective of the (female and male) individuals and the intersectionality of categories that traverse them, such as age, gender, ethnicity and social condition, which as a whole can derive into greater vulnerability. The objective of this study was to identify the life situation of elderly men and women in the Nahua locality of San Mateo Ozolco, municipality of Calpan, Puebla, México. This was done through the identification of their social, demographic and cultural characteristics, which include family context, ethnic group, labor trajectory, access to programs and services, economic situation, health, and social participation; with this, to approach their needs, knowledge, practices and beliefs, in order to identify useful elements in policy proposals directed at their wellbeing.

Methodology

The elderly people interviewed were ten women and ten men, age 60 to 86 years, who are speakers of Náhuatl and Spanish; the number of interviews performed was determined by the criterion of saturation. The field work was carried out during 2014, in the locality. In the presentation of results the names assigned to the men and women interviewed were used, respecting the privacy of those who provided information. The methodological process included bibliography and document revision, field work collection, interview transcription, systematization, categorization of contents, and definition of codes for their analysis. The categories used to understand the living situation for the analyses were: socio-demographic aspects, health, labor trajectory, access to programs and services, social participation.

In the socio-demographic aspects there were inquiries about the age of women and men interviewed, marital status, schooling, language, ethnic group, family data, and housing, among others. In the category of labor trajectory, information was gathered about the work activities that those interviewed carried out throughout their lives. Regarding the economic situation, alternatives were analyzed for obtaining and generating income, and the economic activities that those interviewed perform, and their situation or not, if dependency. Concerning the access to programs and services, there were inquiries about the access of the elderly population interviewed at the time of the study, among them: subsidies, health services and others.

Social participation was taken into account to understand the participation and role of elderly women and men in the social dynamics of the community, to identify beliefs, practices and perceptions of elderly people and their role in the continuity of their traditions, the expression and transmission of experiences and knowledge, which are part of the cultural practices associated to the peoples’ worldview.

Results and Discussion

The information obtained regarding sociodemographic aspects of the elderly people interviewed included marital status; the twenty people who participated in the study are or were married. Eight married women live with their husbands and children; two are widows and live with their children, daughters-in-law and grandchildren, so they are part of extensive domestic groups. In the case of men, eight live with their wife, sons and daughters-in-law, one of them lives with his wife and another one lives alone. In terms of access to education, it was observed that the men had an average of four years of schooling and one of them did not attend school. The situation of women is different, most of them did not have access to school education, and only two of them attended school during two years.

In San Mateo Ozolco, as in most indigenous communities, the opportunities to gain access to formal education are scarce because of poverty; among women, it is observed that they were excluded from the early experience of extreme poverty and feminine gender allocations. The locality presents social backwardness in educational terms, since 31% of the population over 15 is illiterate, and 75% in this same range of age have incomplete basic education (^{SEDESOL, 2015})

“We were orphans on our father’s side. Mother went to grind [grinding maize with metate and making tortillas] at other people’s homes. She never sent us to school, we would spend our time playing, and she said - I don’t have money to send you to school. Since we were young she put us to work; I was about eight years old when I was sent to Metepec, I would go to take care of children, I could barely carry them. I can’t read, or write, or anything…” (María, 79 years old, widow).

This lack of access impacts the life trajectory of women, as ^{Montes de Oca (2006)} points out, particularly in rural communities where a strategy to face poverty consists in migrating to urban spaces to carry out domestic work, which marks the labor trajectory of women. In the case of men, they are also affected by poverty and lack of educational services.

“…I went [to school] for two years. In 1960, 59, we didn’t have schools here; it was in 64 when the complete primary schools were founded. Then we would help sow maize, and care for animals; back then, my father put me in charge of the sheep, but the time came when I decided to go to México and there, well, we were servants and exploited…” (Tomás, 64 years old).

The lack of access to educational services in rural communities contributes to the reproduction of poverty, since it impacts in terms of the type of work and salary that people can gain access to, and employment opportunities that are better paid are distant in face of the sum of inequalities.

The characteristics of housing in San Mateo have evolved, from transformations derived from natural disasters: “…when the [1985] earthquake took place, there were only walls, before they were adobe, and everything was affected. My father left me this house; I built it again because everything was lost” (Ignacio, 75 years old). Also, as a result of the flow of remittances and government supports: “…my father left me the land, and what I built was with money that my children sent from abroad…” (Abelardo, 60 years old).

The homes of the women and men interviewed have floors and roofs made of concrete, and they have services of electricity and drinking water. All the people interviewed described that after the 1985 earthquake, the government helped to build concrete houses. The households and terrains where they are located were inherited to males by their parents. The women interviewed pointed out that they went to live with their husbands, in the plots and houses that they inherited. Only two women interviewed indicated that they inherited from their mother the land where they live with their family.

The inheritance system in the community of study coincides with the Mesoamerican inheritance system identified by ^{Robichaux (2002)}. Young men are allowed to begin their married life in the paternal home, and men also have privileges in terms of inheriting land. As the author states, in Ozolco the permanence of the last child in the paternal home is observed, which he inherits as compensation for taking care of his parents in old age. The youngest male [xocoyote] remains in charge of the parents, with the agreement that he will receive a larger inheritance: “…I live in the Analco neighborhood, with the xocoyote…” (Agustín, 65 years old).

Women, upon marriage, go to live in their in-laws’ home, and caring for the parents-in-law falls primarily on them, once they are very old, as Magdalena describes, who takes care of her 80-year-old mother-in-law, because the father-in-law, who has already died, left her “in her care”. Her husband will receive as inheritance the home and the terrain where they live: “…my father-in-law left us the charge; he said, take care of my wife, and so we are responsible for her, my mother-in-law…” (Magdalena, 60 years old).

Women have disadvantages in terms of patrimonial rights, which places them in a situation of dependency, in addition to being responsible for the care of their own family group and the elderly people.

With regards to the labor trajectories of elderly people in Ozolco, it was found that the main trend between the men and women informants was that before, and during the period of field work, their main activities were agriculture and livestock production. This has the consequence, as ^{Díaz-Tendero-Bollain (2012)} points out, of their situation being one of vulnerability because they do not have access to social benefits. Rural activities like agriculture, forestry and livestock production on their own are not considered within those that have rights to social benefits, and as consequence the rural elderly people in the group interviewed lack health services and retirement pensions.

Two of the informants also hold public positions, which in the locality are given in function of age, experience and trust on the person selected. These positions are honorary and do not have economic compensation.

“…when I was young, I took care of bulls, 10 bulls, 35 sheep and my land… now, since three years ago already, the town named me judge, many people ask me to authenticate their small plots of land, some do not have documents; if there was dispossession, they don’t have documents, so I ask the neighbors to show up to take measurements of their plot, and an agreement is made, where the decision is made to determine who the land belongs to” (Gabriel, 70 years old).

“…they tell me, let’s make an arrangement, I’ll introduce you to my son to whom I’m giving a plot; they arrive to my office to make the agreement, they receive the donation and I tell them - give thanks to your father, or mother, who donated the land to you. When there are grandparents alone, they donate to their nephews, ‘they can still give it to their siblings, their children (of the brothers), and I tell them they have to keep an eye on their uncle (who donated the land), recognize him as a grandfather, they must love him, thank him, take care of him, buy him something when he wants…” (Gabriel, 70 years old).

Gabriel occupies the position of judge of the peace or “executor”, he receives compensations in species or economic for the elaboration of wills, concessions of rights and others, although the main source of income comes from agriculture. In the usages and customs of the locality, the agreements established through the judge of the peace are respected, without the presence of a public notary; they are based on trust, on unwritten community norms. Recently, the imposition for this system to disappear is arising from the state government.

The current auxiliary president migrated temporarily to Mexico City, he left in 1970, at the request of the town, he returned to perform this public charge. The reasons why the elderly people exercise these positions is because in the community they trust more in them as authority, they relate them to certain wisdom and knowledge acquired from experience (^{Nué, 2001}), in addition to some obligatory nature, commitment or service that show their belonging to the community.

In addition to agriculture as economic activity, one of those interviewed offers construction services, he has equipment for it. This activity is quite sought after, due to the delivery of remittances from migrants for the construction of houses. “I am also devoted to construction, I make houses, there is construction thanks to the money that comes from abroad…” (Abelardo, 60 years old).

As a product of his savings during his stay in México City, Tomás installed a groceries store in the locality. “…I was devoted to working in gastronomy, as a waiter’s helper, also serving drinks, as barman, and lastly I stopped working to set up a business and come live here…” (Tomás, 62 years old).

The people interviewed who migrated temporarily, whose work trajectory allowed them to save and with that to have a better economic and labor situation currently, are few. Most, migrants or not, could not guarantee better living conditions for their old age, they continue to perform agricultural activities and lack services and social benefits derived from their work.

The labor trajectory of the women interviewed is centered primarily on activities related with domestic work, some of them in their childhood and youth were employed in México City and other cities nearby. The work activities of women interviewed were related to taking care of the milpa (fertilizing, weeding), taking care of backyard animals, collecting firewood, among others. At the same time, women perform non-paid domestic activities, such as preparing food, taking care of children and grandchildren, house cleaning, among others.

“I’m devoted to cooking, here as housewife; for I wash clothes, I sweep, make tortillas, iron, mop the floor, sweep, and wash the dishes. I go to the field to weed, fertilize, harvest, take food; I go to check the field…” (Magdalena, 60 years old).

Just as the males, some of the women interviewed left their locality for work, mostly to Mexico City; they worked as domestic employees or in services.

“My mother’s compadre left me there. … I would brush the floor completely clean, mop it, rinse it; then the rooms, brushing everything, so now my knees hurt, I sit down and I can’t get up…” (María, 79 years old).

“…I went for some years to México to work, and I found my husband there and got married… after three years in México, I met my husband who is also from Ozolco, I used to work in a tortilla shop… we are peasants, we came back…” (Raquel, 69 years old).

Two of the women interviewed pointed out that they no longer participate in agricultural activities because of their health conditions, lung problems, hearing impairment, eye trouble and diabetes, among others:

“No more, I feel that I can’t anymore… I tell my man, forget it, something is wrong here in my chest. I tell him - I’m sorry. Before I used to help him in the field, with the mule, now he leaves the food prepared, because the doctor told me not to be near the fire, and not to be in the heat, and that’s why I have my old hat…” (Ruth, 74 years old).

Women who participated in the study continue to perform agricultural, domestic and family care work, which are not paid, and they are not recognized or valued in the same way as the activities that the men perform. They are devoted to working as housewives; they go to the plots or the forest to carry out various agricultural tasks, collecting, and taking care of backyard animals. Another activity consists in selling or “exchanging” (barter), retail, some of the products harvested to cover “expenses” such as: buying salt, oil, egg, tortillas, sugar, soap. Both, men and women, lack social benefits derived from their work.

With regard to access to programs and services, in México the government has implemented programs that promote the attention and participation of elderly people. Of those interviewed, there are few men and women who receive support from these programs, two men and three women receive $1200 pesos (MX) every two months through the program “65 y más” (Sixty five and more).

As responsible for the care of their young grandchildren, two of the women interviewed participate in the program “Oportunidades-Prospera”, which forces them to attend every two months to the health clinic to listen to talks, in addition to going with their grandchildren to consults. “Now my daughter went to work to México and we, my wife and I, tend to the grandchildren, a three-year-old boy and a five-year-old girl” (Vicente, 68 years old). “…I go when there is a talk or a meeting, and if I don’t attend, they take the money away…” (Ruth, 74 years old).

The health services present deficiencies, which has an impact in the life situation of elderly people, since 51.49 % of the population are not eligible for public health services (^{SEDESOL, 2015}). This confirms what was observed in the locality, the existence of a large void in the institutional response to health care of elderly people. The local clinic does not have hospitalization services, or clinical analysis, and only few have Seguro Popular.

“I fell at home, I could not get up, I had to go to a bone-setter and he healed me, I get sick of cough and a cold, I take medicine, and if it is very serious I go to San Nicolás, with a doctor who injects us; very few times I go to the health clinic” (Trinidad, 70 years old).

“Yes, my daughter took me over there in México, because I was sick in my kidneys, my waist hurts, and the lung” (Ruth, 74 years old).

Diabetes has damaged my eyes, I nearly don’t see anymore…

A frequent illness among males is prostate malaise:

“I went to México, because I had prostate surgery and I have uric acid; my daughter pays for my medicine” (Ignacio, 75 years old).

The tendencies, in terms of attention to health-disease processes among men and women informants for this study in Ozolco, show that most resort to private health services, and to traditional medicine; for example, in the case of respiratory diseases, they use home remedies.

“When I get sick with a cold I take care of myself with honey, orange, lemon; we mix it and take it, even if only in some tea. If we get have indigestion, we put together herbs, chamomile and spearmint…” (Esther, 60 years old).

Men seldom go to health services, because they don’t have access to the Seguro Popular and because, according to some of them, “they don’t pay attention to them” at the locality’s health services, and also, in the social construction of being a man, males generally care little about their health.

“Some of them say that they don’t get attention…, here people become exasperated, you need to be patient, because if you bring someone with an advanced sickness, they say that as patients we need to prevent diseases… I don’t go to the health center…” (Tomás, 62 years old).

Although the official programs to support EP are present in the locality, their coverage does not include the totality of this population.

The social participation of elderly people shows that they are active in the life of relationships, with family, friends and community. Among the activities that they are involved in are those linked with the performance of public positions, rituals and citizens: in the Water Committee, as public servants, in the Auxiliary Presidency and as Judge of the Peace; women in school committees, through tasks, in the reparation and management of roads. In local rituals, they participate primarily in the mayordomías of religious festivities.

As ^{Gómez-Arzapalo (2010)} points out, the rituality present in the mayordomías is fundamental in the cohesion and cultural reproduction of a community. To be performed, practical and material aspects come together which require a meticulous and well-clarified social organization, which bring to light the existing conceptions in their worldview. As a whole this participation in rituality makes for a structured and coherent system that favors the identification and belonging of an individual with his/her people.

Catholic religious celebrations bring together socioeconomic, religious and ethnic processes that constitute the community (^{Korsback, 1996}); participating in a charge means a considerable expense, but in compensation, whoever occupies it acquires prestige and respect in the community. In the community of study there is a system of charges where ritual functions are defined and rotated among members of the community according to the religious festivities calendar. The patron saint festivity stands out, on September 21^st, when Saint Matthew Apostol is celebrated, Ozolco’s patron, where the whole community participates. Other celebrations are: the Holy Cross day on May 3^rd, Saint Matthias on May 14^th, the Virgin Mary on May 31^st.

The position of mayordomo is reserved for men.

“…six years ago I was mayordomo for the patron [Saint Matthew], on another occasion I was deputy of a festivity… because there they name the mayordomo and he looks for his people, well, that’s how we call them here…” (Rafael, 65 years old).

“During the mayordomía, very nice events take place; they give out atole, food, games with bulls are organized, jaripeos, mechanical games, dances, music, and confirmations and baptisms are organized. It’s for everyone; it’s all to serve the community…” (Vicente, 68 years old).

Other activities during the festivities are musical and traditional dances; music is important because it is part of the celebration and the tradition.

“They use us to play at the festivity of Saint Matthias. I’m devoted to the field, I care for animals, I tend to the milpa, but I also play the instrument [violin]” (Jesús, 75 years old).

I’m a musician for the Azteca¹, of the teponaxtle [traditional percussion instrument], of Goyo Popocatépetl, tan tatatan [he sings]… that’s the kind of work I perform, I am a teponaxtlero, I play the chirimía, because “Popoca” [the Popocatépetl volcano] listens to our music… even though the young people don’t like it anymore…” (Abel, 72 years old).

The permanence in the use of the Náhuatl language is also a preoccupation and occupation of elderly men and women. “This town is of Náhuatl origin, but when I’m far, I get discriminated against, now I’ve returned and we are taking it up again, my children are beginning to speak it…” (Rafael, 65 years old).

According to the testimonies, some rejection or resistance is observed among young people of the community against continuing the use of Náhuatl or learning to play traditional music, as a result of the influence from migration and other factors.

“Everything is being lost, we are losing Náhuatl, young people can’t speak it anymore, they have taken from us being an “indigenous town”; we have to bring it back so we can still be taken into account… Our origin is beautiful… well, I think that anyway, I’m not ashamed to speak like this…” (Rafael, 65 years old).

The tendency for social participation of elderly women in San Mateo Ozolco is directed towards religious, school and health activities, but whose recognition is centered on the prestige of their husbands. “…I used to give talks for marriage, baptism, and I would put out first communions. In my home I gave talks and on Sunday I stayed to give Christian orientation” (Abigail, 71 years old). “I participated in committees when my children went to school…” (María, 79 years old).

In religious festivities, most of the women interviewed have participated in the mayordomías in charge of their husbands, in the elaboration of food and in assisting guests, especially during the main festivity. Magdalena points out that in the mayordomía activities she prepared food for attendees, she calls herself mayordoma because she considers she has an important role: “…last June I was a mayordoma for the Holy Spirit; that was my position with my husband in church” (Magdalena, 60 years old).

Various studies (^{González, 2005}; ^{Sánchez et al., 2010}) find that there are asymmetrical and disadvantageous differences for women in the fulfillment of the Systems of Charges, which are always allocated in patrilocal line. When they are single they depend on their father or some brother, and when they are married they depend on their husband or father-in-law, so that recognition, despite their great work and participation, only corresponds to males.

Conclusions

In México, studies about elderly people (EP) have been driven from various disciplines, more integrally from social gerontology; however, the vision regarding old age requires specialized attention to understand this stage of life from different visions and approaches, in rural contexts like San Mateo Ozolco.

In the locality of study, as in most of the indigenous zones, access to education is limited by the inter-sectionality of class, ethnicity, age and gender. The opportunities to gain access to formal education are scarce; women have been mostly excluded because culturally the male is conceived of and made responsible as the economic provider of the family. Women are placed in domestic and care labors, and as a result of the migration of sons and daughters, some are in charge of infants; in addition, although they participate in productive work in agriculture and in livestock production, they do not have access to land or to the recognition of their contribution, and with this they are placed in a position of subordination.

The trend identified among the elderly people interviewed is the permanence in their productive work in agricultural and livestock activities until advanced ages, which is related to the fact that this is their main sustenance; despite the diversification in occupations, their relationship with the land has not only been a source of income, but it also contains symbolic and identity value. Elderly men and women in San Mateo Ozolco maintain an important participation for the community; women in reproductive work, the transmission of values and traditions, and men with their participation in the systems of charges and the permanence of community usages and customs.

The official programs for support to the elderly are present in San Mateo Ozolco, although the coverage is not total and they are also not designed to address the needs of people in rural contexts; it is necessary for supports in rural communities to be extended to this population in situation of vulnerability. The deficiencies in health services and social security in the rural environment have an impact on the wellbeing of the elderly, particularly among peasant men and women and in indigenous communities.

The life situation of EP in San Mateo Ozolco is one of inequality, and also, a situation of extreme poverty, marginalization, exclusion and institutional abandonment; they experience health problems, lack of social security and lack of supports for them to have inputs and resources to continue with their agricultural and backyard activities, aspects that require attention in further studies. It is expected that these research studies make visible the need for longitudinal studies regarding the needs of this age group, which could give feedback to social policies that are directed at the promotion of alternatives to improve the situation and quality of life of elderly people.