Theoretical Perspective on Precarity is Employed to analyze the Labor and Life of Older Female Seasonal Workers

Labor precariousness is addressed in this text, drawing from ^{Castel's (1997 and 2009)} work. This concept contributes to understanding the structural situation of temporary wage labor in fruit growing. ^{Castel (1997)} refers to the metamorphosis of the social question, which involves the erosion of decent working conditions and a regression of social security due to the establishment of fragile labor relations that give rise to economic insecurity and vital instability. Associated with the flexibilization and deregulation of national production processes and the demand for goods, products, and services that respond to international economic cycles, this phenomenon generates atypical job offers. These offers are often linked to subcontracting, temporary or part-time contracts, and are accompanied by less social protection and lower wages ^{(Borderías and Martini, 2020)} .

The new working conditions are subjectively experienced as individuality, risk ^{(Beck, 2000)} and uncertainty ^{(Castel, 2009)} . The lack of social protection and denial of collective recognition has been called social dequalification ^{(Paugam, 2012)} .

Agricultural work is defined by its seasonality, polyfunctionality, and the need for knowledge of the domestic world ^{(Martin, 2009)} . It is an update of traditional agrarian capitalism ^{(Bengoa, 2017)} . The precariousness of agriculture is changing, revealing the unique identities and subjectivities of productive work in dialogue with the spaces of life it reproduces. Qualitative studies conducted in the central zone of Chile indicate that unstable labor relations are prevalent, along with mistreatment, transportation insecurity, and poor environmental conditions such as low provision of drinking water, lack of sun protection, and remote access to toilets. Additionally, workers in orchards and packing facilities face risks due to repetitive movements ^{(Caro, 2016)} . These conditions can lead to moral distress and psychological risks ^{(Baeza et al., 2017)} .

In this context, women are one of the most vulnerable groups in terms of stability, security, and sufficiency ^{(Baeza et al., 2017}; ^{Blanco et al., 2020)} . According to a previous study based on a representative survey of 1,201 cases, only 20% of women work in agribusiness as seasonal workers because they enjoy it, while 40% do so because they have no other opportunities ^{(Anríquez et al., 2016)} . In addition to working conditions, there is a low rate of unionization ^{(Osorio et al., 2018)} and limited opportunities for collective bargaining. For agricultural seasonal workers, original analyses of the SPSS software database of the CASEN 2022 survey revealed that only 1% are unionized, while 71% do not participate in any organization. There were no significant differences between men and women in this regard.

According to ^{Piñeiro (2011)} , precariousness at work can have objective (being precarious) and subjective (feeling precarious) dimensions, each of which can generate physical and moral suffering or personal satisfaction and fulfillment. In the case of seasonal agricultural workers, labor precariousness is expressed in contractual terms in the loss of stable employment ties and periods of unemployment (winter months) and, in personal terms, in social humiliation and feelings of uselessness due to the fragmentation of the labor bond which, as a whole, has effects on the working and personal lives of the workers.

Analyzing the precariousness of work from an integral and feminist perspective requires considering domestic and reproductive work. Domestic and care tasks play a crucial role in reproducing and caring for the available workforce ^{(Logiovine, 2017)} , and the wage relationship would not exist without them ^{(Kandel, 2006)} . On the one hand, this research considers reproductive work as a form of work that generates exchange value. This approach intertwines productive and reproductive work, which is particularly relevant in rural territories due to their economic characteristics and distinctive socio-cultural processes ^{(Logiovine, 2017; Caro and Cárdenas, 2022)} .

According to ^{Aguirre et al. (2005)} , reproductive care work incurs three types of costs for those who perform it: economic, emotional, and physical. Economic costs arise when care workers do not receive remuneration for their work. Emotional costs arise due to overload, stress, and anxiety. Physical costs arise when care workers assist individuals with severe dependency. Additionally, its impact hinders the inclusion of women in the workforce ^{(Aguirre et al., 2005; Brunet and Santamaría, 2016)} by reducing their time and motivation.

When both jobs are done at the same time, it increases the overall burden and reduces personal time availability, leading to conflicts and tensions in reconciling various demands. This reinforces the idea that household work, particularly care work, remains invisible ^{(Caro and Cárdenas, 2022)} . The fragility of life can be expressed as a decrease in quality of life and well-being, which is linked to stress and anxiety. This is due to the extreme workload during seasonal periods and the lack of rest time, which is not compensated by the distribution of tasks within families ^{(Caro and Cárdenas, 2022; Wilson and Caro, 2010)} .

Agency Theory for Understanding the Resistance Practices of Older Women Seasonal Workers

Amartya ^{Sen (1985)} proposes a conceptual scheme understood as a normative framework to evaluate personal well-being and social agreements in a context of social change, emphasizing what people can do and be, that is, in their personal capacities ^{(Robeyns, 2005)} . They would reflect the freedom to choose between options, an issue that would provide opportunities for a dignified and rich life ^{(Cejudo, 2007)} . The capability approach also includes operations and agency. Functions are the things a person can value doing or being. Therefore, they are the states or actions that are successfully accomplished, either for survival - such as nutrition or avoiding getting sick - even more complex actions -as social participation or self-respect - ^{(Dubois, 2008)} . Skills are a type of freedom that allows people to combine functions, understand skills and choices, and show the opportunities that people actually have to achieve well-being. These circumstances are individual and contextual. Without institutional relations it is not possible to establish personal preferences (^{Delgado, 2017}).

The approach considers social relations, and the limitations and opportunities that social structures represent on people, when social and environmental factors are recognized in the process of converting goods into achievements. This means that people’s choices must take into account the influences of constraints (not every choice is realistic or possible) and social structures; recognising the role of community and groups in influencing personal decisions, showing that capacities vary when resources become operational ^{(Davis, 2002}; ^{Dubois, 2008}; ^{Nussbaum, 2009}; ^{Robeyns, 2005)} .

Incorporating the collective in the proposal implies the assumption of a beneficial relationship between social action and individual agency, in a diverse framework of social structures, which can simultaneously facilitate and/or constrain capacities, and assessing the impact of institutions on individual freedoms ^{(Otano, 2015)} .

Experience and Meanings of Paid Productive Work in Old Age

Short-term, labour-intensive fruit farming is a favourable scenario for the growth of people with economic needs, as is the case with elderly rural women, who - in contexts of poverty and low pensions - have been pressured to continue roasting each fruit season, in various pre-harvest, harvest and post-harvest tasks (pruning, pollination, thinning, harvesting and planting) in crops such as plums, cherries, blueberries and table and wine grapes. They have even been explicitly called by companies in the category as 'retirees’.

to short-term jobs and low wages, as happened in 2020 when the call was publicized in those terms in an agricultural commune in the Metropolitan Region.

The long trajectory of work in the field is meant by older women as a vital experience that although it reveals a long-standing labor participation performed in agro-industry, has been in the history fragmented and multiple, from the point of view of the type of employer, location, means of transport, cultivation, slaughter and peer relationship; generating a fragmented and highly discontinuous working life. In this profession, the senior temporary workers are recognized as knowing their specific functions and tasks, type of labor relations suitable to the characteristics of agro-industry, forms of transfers, working hours and schedules, which would enable them to cope with the difficulties they face. However, the absence of work continuity, the prevalence of labor informality and inability to negotiate better working conditions and wages, generates an adaptation to labor precariousness and its implications.

It is concluded that the most valued aspect of their current labor insertion is the economic dimension - income that it reports - and secondly, subjective attributes - such as recognizing the economic autonomy and ability to decide the destination of those incomes, the expansion of the network of relationships with other people and the potential to share extra-domestic spaces beyond their kinship group -. For older women, paid work is meaningful in at least three ways: as a source of subsistence, autonomy, and socialization. Elements that reaffirm identities, legitimize decisions and channel the fight against poverty and exclusion ^{(Milkman, 2016)} , even when it is hard experiences physically and with characteristics of humiliation and grievance ^{(Baeza et al., 2017}; ^{Piñeiro, 2011)} .

At this stage of life, according to legislative consensus, women would find themselves in a population that 'should' be outside the labor market, sustaining themselves economically from a retirement. Consequently, access to paid work seasonal and precarious would emerge as a choice limited to complex material conditions, in the context of normative frameworks that reproduce social hierarchies. It is evident that the cross of class, gender and age variables in this group is determinant, deepening existing inequalities ^{(Crompton, 2006)} .

How much longer do I have to keep living? If I don't work, what am I going to live on? The pension gives me 147 thousand pesos (184 dollars). What am I going to do with that money? I don't do anything (Sonia, 63 years old).

The axes of valuing productive work are shifting according to the place their salaries are in the family income. Paid work is something they won't give up soon, indicating its inescapable nature. Here we see the obligation of paid productive work put in tension - as we will see later - with the physical and health conditions with which they have, as well as with interest, which are tested and updated every beginning of the agricultural season.

I have always said here that I will work until I am no longer able to work (Marta, 59).

The centrality of paid work among older women extends beyond paid employment in fruit growing, as evidenced by their incursions into self-employment in food production, clothing and trade, tissues, and flowers, focusing motivations in these cases on 'staying active' to prevent mental health discomforts, as these are very low and sporadic incomes.

I work weaving, now in this season I make cakes, I make humas (Andean food based on corn), or I plant, and I go out to sell flowers to exhibitions... because if you do not work you let yourself be, here come the diseases because the mind begins to close (Peace, 64 years).

In the fruit work spaces they have been victims of discriminatory ageist opinions, based on age prejudice, whether from heads or peers. They respond by countering a valued image of themselves. It would be women who recognize their skills and, from that, perform labor, concentrating on their productivity, because in a context of pay-as-you-go, depends on the amount of their salaries. Since age is an attribute they cannot change, their responses are far from confrontational, they are elusive, moving from work to spaces where their presence is accepted. That is, the permanence in the labour market in older adults may be marked by the need for social reproduction, but at the same time there would be an extension of the limits on who is considered to be the working population and it redefines the image of this group in the labour market. Faced with social prejudices, they are patient, relying on the knowledge provided by experience and the deployment of individual mechanisms.

I was going to go to another packing because it was over, and by that time I was 60... Older people are more responsible for work (Ana, 74).

Precarities and Work Trajectories

The women interviewed were the daughters of large rural families with an average of 5.5 children per woman during the 1950s and 1960s (Superintendence of Health, 2006). In a context of normalization of child labour in the past in Chile, this was part of the activities of the children/s within the family home, as support to the productive work of their fathers in peasant tasks or of their mothers in minor agricultural or domestic work in the employers' houses, always under the category 'unpaid family', therefore economically invisible. In adulthood, although they have worked most of their lives in agriculture, in different crops and jobs, they have combined such employment with domestic work in private homes, 'indoors' or for days, for different periods, giving continuity to the early childhood experiences.

We were 8-9 years old, and we already had to walk with the shovel, the hoe, working in the field. My life was very hard (Paz, 64 years).

They accuse their mothers of teaching in the rigour of physical labour, typical of the family mandates of the mid-20th century in rural areas, where continuity in the trade was projected in/as children/as and the/as children were seen as labor to increase family income.

We were working, she [the mother] taught us and I thank God, because if she hadn’t taught us, I wouldn’t be like that ... maybe we would have been lazy, but she taught us work since we were little (Pilar, 60).

The condition of child labor, as an inescapable reality of the past of children/women in similar positions, marked the beginning of an uninterrupted trajectory, of almost half a century, of workers' work of the women interviewed. As recorded, the meanings they give to paid work in childhood and youth are extensive, as a complex and hard life experience, and at the same time as an opportunity to learn discipline and rigor. Both perceptions may seem contradictory; however, they are complementary considering the historical conditions of agricultural work ^{(Bengoa, 2017)} .

Over the course of almost fifty years of employment in the agriculture of the interviewees, first in traditional agriculture and then in agro-industry, the temporary workers who have aged in the activity identify improvements, which are nothing more than compliance with basic labour legislation, such as the provision for mobilisation to and from the workplace where the distance is more than three kilometres and spaces specially equipped to maintain, prepare and consume food or be provided by the employer (obligations dating from 2001, through Article 95 of the Chilean Labour Code and not always fulfilled) and weekly working hours of not more than 45 hours (reduced from 2005 to 48 hours). Although these improvements are part of the achievements of the workers for about two decades, they are not implemented by all employers, recognizing the nature and limited coverage of compliance with labor law in this industry.

They have changed a little, because now at least they take people to work... they take them to and from work and they don't work the same hours as before, almost from sunrise to sunset, now they don't because they start work early and at 1 or 3 o'clock in the afternoon... also for meals, you used to eat on the land there and now they have changed a little, they have some dining rooms in some places, not all, because before you ate right there at work, on the ground, with dirty hands (Paz, 64 years old).

Of the women surveyed, only half had a formal written contract from their employer for a fixed term or for a specific job or task. However, among those who have a contract, the figure of the 'false temporera' , already documented more than a decade ago ^{(FAO, 2012)}, reappears, who have a contract of 11 months, with successive terminations, which prevents them from exercising the rights of an indefinite employment relationship, such as severance pay for years of service. This situation has been clarified by the government authority, which, in accordance with Article 4 of the Labor Code ^{(Dirección del Trabajo, 2023)}, indicates that the signing of successive fixed-term contracts, with a termination between one and the other, is not in accordance with the law.

Since the age of 16, I have consistently worked for 11 months at a time. The first time I was employed there, I was given an 11-month contract, and I have continued working under the same terms. However, they eventually terminate our employment. (Mirta, 59 years).

Women who have retired under the Universal Guaranteed Pension (paid by the State from the age of 65) or under the Old Age Pension derived from individual savings in private Pension Fund Administrators (AFP) from the age of 60 may be concerned that having an employment contract could result in the loss of their pensions. However, it is important to note that this restriction does not actually apply in practice. Therefore, the lack of information regarding pensions constitutes a violation of labor rights.

I retired at 65, then they could not give me a contract, because they would take my money and I started to work without a contract (Rita, 68 years old).

In addition, bad employer practices are reported, such as deducting pension contributions for old age from the workers' taxable salary, without depositing them in the administrative entity, thus generating a reduction in their individual pension funds.

Sometimes we worked in corn, and they discounted us through the AFP and did not put it in the AFP and that is when you realize; my retirement, when I came to retire it lasted about six months no more, thinking that I had more months in the AFP and no (Paz, 64 years old).

Finally, there is agreement on the importance of managers' treatment of their employees and the quality of relationships within the work group. These factors can be decisive in determining whether employees choose to continue working, even when they feel they lack the ability to influence their own improvement. The older female seasonal workers distance themselves from interpersonal conflicts in the workplace, stating that they do not intervene or contribute to them. They are inclined to collaborate with a low confrontational attitude to create a positive working environment.

When they are treated well [...] good treatment is that they don't shout at each other, because some bosses shout just the same (Norma, 65 years old).

Body and Working Conditions

The women state that the main difficulties they have had at work refer to physical issues, mentioning their bodies as a limitation. Three decades of work in the fruit export industry have had consequences. Periods of intensive use of strength and balance in uncomfortable positions and without proper protection (several tasks are performed on ladders) have generated chronic ailments, which are activated once the whirlwind of the agricultural season is over, triggering self-medication practices.

No, I was not going to go to the doctor […] I fell, but nothing happened to me, it just hurt here on the side, but nothing serious happened […] one has to take care of oneself, remedies, everything alone. (Norma, 65 years old).

During the peak of the season, the perception of seriousness and importance of a traumatic event or chronic pain is reduced to a minimum, since the priority at that time of the year is to continue working, in order to accumulate income for the winter months, when the supply of jobs disappears.

Previous research has evidenced complex accounts of the effects of the type of chain labor and repetitive movements that have generated tendinitis and other pathologies, due to the absence of rest breaks, aggravated by the conditions of piecework, per piece or per task ^{(Valdés et al., 2017)} , which demands speed from them. Others refer to the loss of physical capacities after the passage of age, fatigue, and the accumulated effort of so many years of arduous physical work, which makes them relate with melancholy and sorrow that they are currently less resistant, for example, to exposure to the sun of the orchards in open field activities at midday, or exposure to the cold, at dawn, at the beginning of the day.

I used to work day and night, I worked a lot, I did not get sleepy, I could stay up all night and the next day I went to work, nothing hurt. Now I have pains, I work, and my performance is not like it used to be, I see that the years have passed and work has left a deep mark on me. Sometimes I get nostalgic because I look back when I had no pain, they invited me to work and I went, always with enthusiasm, with spirit and joy, now I do it anyway, but it's hard for me, but when I stand up my bones feel cold. So, it has changed my life (Mirta, 59 years old).

Those who work in packing houses generally have better environmental and working conditions than those who work in orchards. The ability to work indoors is a significant advantage, particularly for older workers such as some women in their 70s. Those who work in packing houses generally have better environmental and working conditions than those who work in orchards. The ability to work indoors is a significant advantage, particularly for older workers such as some women in their 70s.

I started working in packing because one has more shade, which are some large sheds (Ana, 74 years old).

The term 'sacrifice' is used by older women seasonal workers to describe the demands of seasonal fruit work in old age. This work involves sweating, physical risk, pain, and contorting the body during the summer months. In the winter, workers experience bone pain.

Sacrifice... in the summer, the heat, the sun, the earth, up the stairs, with hoods hanging down, sometimes weeding with scissors, and crouching under the vines at full sun […] at about two in the afternoon, crouching down, and sometimes picking fruit or when it was our turn to pick in the vines (Rita, 68 years old).

The physical strain resulting from intensive manual labor and repetitive movements in adverse environmental conditions, such as extreme temperatures and exposure to ultraviolet radiation, can be a limiting factor. Workers may adapt their bodies to withstand the strain and perform better, but this is often done to benefit the owners of capital, labor intermediaries, and the workers' own income. This creates a chain of pressure that can be difficult to break. Individuals assume personal responsibility for bodily changes and confronting greater demands without expressing a need for collective action or better working conditions from their employers or the state.

They are constantly exposed to risks, suffer occupational accidents, or acquire occupational diseases that are theoretically protected by Law 16.744 of the Undersecretariat of Social Welfare (Ministry of Labor and Social Welfare, 2022), which can even lead to death. Empirical evidence shows that, unfortunately, these events do occur and are part of the recurring concerns of older female workers, who recognize that they feel more vulnerable to this type of event. On the part of employers, there is no reasonable accommodation of workplaces according to the age of employees.

Recently, a man passed away... This is why there has been a demand... Many individuals have fallen down the stairs, which is why it is requested that the fruit trees be lowered (Ana, 74 years old).

The risk of accidents remains a pressing concern in fruit growing, despite legal regulations that require employers to take all necessary measures to effectively protect the life and health of their workers. This situation is even more precarious for those who work without a formal labor contract.

Reproductive Labor: Care and Families

The trajectories of older women seasonal workers in both reproductive and productive work begin at a very early age, often before the age of ten. In most cases, combining agricultural and care work at such a young age resulted in dropping out of school.

I had the possibility of studying until 7th grade, but my parents wouldn't let me because of the money. Before, we were six children and I was the oldest, I had to take care of all the other younger ones […] I had to work and take care of my siblings, first as a housewife, since I was nine years old, then I had to work (Sonia, 63 years old).

In intergenerational households, older women often cohabit with extended families, particularly single-parent families in the older generation due to marital separations or longer female life expectancy. As a result, these women typically assume the role of head of household. Unmarried children or young couples, who cohabit due to economic necessity, are usually housed in close proximity in these households owned by the older generation. These households distribute domestic and care tasks more evenly than heterosexual biparental elderly families.

Similarly, reducing household costs benefits all members by distributing the pressure of income generation. However, patriarchal family structures still perpetuate gender inequality, reinforcing the notion that domestic work is solely a woman's responsibility ^{(Palma, 2021)} .

However, the older women interviewed noted that gender reproduction occurs within a flexible mandate. Even when demand exists, it is accommodated to the rigid times of cherry harvesting work, which is where they are mostly employed. This work is generally carried out between 6:00 and 15:00 hours, with extensive travel times that include a change of commune. The level of fatigue is high due to the schedules and the physical demands of the job.

They are primarily responsible for reproductive work in their households, even though, nowadays, some partners, children, or other family members (men and women) have recently begun to participate in some domestic tasks, but within the framework of masculinized roles. Such participation is valued because it lightens the burden and lessens the burden. And although it is based on a discourse based on the idea of 'equality', it does not modify the structural gender inequality present in families.

I come home from work to cook, wash, everything that we housewives have to do […] my husband doesn't like cleaning things because he's like an old-fashioned person.... But yes, for example, he brings me the firewood for the winter, he tidies it up... on days when the garbage comes by, he gathers all the garbage and takes it out […] but I didn't do that before, for me it is a great achievement, because it is a job, I am saving myself […] I think it is fantastic... I feel good […] in the past they said that these were women's things and no, we are equal to men (Mirta, 59 years old).

The precariousness of the organization of productive and reproductive work is manifested in the overload and excessive fatigue caused by the double workday it entails. However, when it is difficult to reconcile both demands, people opt to abandon paid work, since the concern for care, especially for children or parents, absorbs them in solitude and in the absence of family co-responsibility and male participation, which becomes even more burdensome in the face of the scarcity of robust public policies on care.

My mother got sick, one of her lungs dried up, she handled oxygen and then I stopped working for the season […] because I was the one who took care of my mother day and night, and she had gone to live with me, the other siblings were already all divided up... everyone went on to live their own lives (Pilar, 64 years old).

When there are no critical situations of caring for dependents, the older seasonal workers manage to accommodate the multiple demands, resolving potential tensions between both spheres without abandoning either, since they value productive work as a way of reducing tension in the face of household chores, generating a distraction from routine and family conflicts.

Here at work […] frees all the worries... because at home, every day the same thing, the same routine, but at work you get distracted... talk to your colleagues... it's good to work, because you de-stress (Ana, 74 years old).

Agency and Relationship with Social, Trade Union and Governmental Organizations

None of the interviewees belong to an agricultural union, like the majority of seasonal workers. They are unsure if the company or territory has union organizations for casual, temporary, or independent workers, and some are hesitant to join, perceiving them as disconnected from their daily work environment. This may be a result of individualism caused by the implementation of the neoliberal model in rural areas, recent historical oppression of union organization in the peasant world, or the ineffectiveness of current temporary workers' unions. The argument to justify non-adherence to formal organizations for the vindication of labor rights is often based on the subjective evaluation that 'they are doing well in their jobs', and therefore, they would not need to belong to a union.

The paradox that exists is as follows: older women workers only see forming a union as justified in the face of 'labor problems', which are widely recognized and described, but there is no apparent intention to mobilize to solve them. This lack of interest may indicate a flawed perception of the value of collective efforts. It suggests that improving working conditions does not require a group approach or communication and negotiation with institutional levels.

The participation of older women seasonal workers at the social level has been mainly limited to neighborhood activities related to subsistence and family welfare. These activities include actions in the Neighborhood Councils or territorial groups, where the women carry out activities for the benefit of the community or engage in group ventures selling products made by themselves.

I don't get involved in any of that, for example, here I go to the meeting of the neighborhood council that is in the town, that's the only thing I go to (Mónica, 71 years old).

Some are familiar with the National Association of Rural and Indigenous Women (Anamuri), a more global political organization, with a history of a quarter of a century in Chile, which articulates the defense of land rights, territory, food sovereignty, water and labor rights, among others; and participate sporadically in its activities, which may constitute a glimpse of the transition from an individual vision to a collective and macro-social political vision.

I am also there [Anamuri], they invited me [...] seasonal women, housewives, from all over [...] have meetings and invite us, but sometimes I can't go because of these things. When I can I am very blessed (Mirta, 59 years old).

The relationship between individuals and government institutions is limited to the request and receipt of monetary transfers, such as the Family Income for Labor Emergencies (IFE), which were generated due to the loss of work during the pandemic. This is a monthly subsidy that aims to encourage formal reintegration into the labor market, particularly for women. It complements salaries and other subsidies, such as the exclusive bonus for female workers. The recipients express gratitude for these transfers.

I have been receiving the IFE, and they also gave us this bonus for working women, so we are fine with that (Monica, 71 years old).

Receiving bonuses to supplement income can temporarily improve material living conditions. However, women workers express concern about post-pandemic inflation and the resulting loss of purchasing power experienced by the Chilean population since 2021. Nominal wages have not kept up with the inflation of basic goods for family consumption. In this section, a social demand is presented to the political power. However, it is not sufficiently articulated and there is no clear channel for it to be directed through politically or union-oriented organizations.

Women workers have expressed concern about the low amounts of old-age pensions. Although they currently receive them, their minimal income pressures them to continue working for pay each agricultural season as temporary wage earners. This makes them ineffective instruments for covering the risk of poverty in old age.

As age advances and physical conditions worsen, individuals may experience heightened levels of anguish and emotional tension. The government (Executive Branch) is identified as the party responsible for proposing improvements to pension conditions, rather than the private sector (employers and pension fund management companies).

They [the elected government] should do it well, and help those of us who need it, for example, the same pension, to give us a little more, because we can see that things are going up day after day and the pension is nothing... because if we are no longer able to work, then we are going to have to adapt with the pension itself (Pilar, 64 years old).