Subsystem of Attitude

The appraisal of texts includes meanings by which they attribute value to actors or processes through emotional responses. Martin and White (2007) categorize emotions into three main variables: in/happiness, in/security, and in/satisfaction.

In/happiness encompasses emotions linked to sadness, hatred, happiness, and love. These emotions reflect the well-being and emotional state of individuals, ranging from profound sadness and intense hatred to joyous happiness and deep love.

In/security covers emotions related to well-being, including anxiety, fear, trust, and justice. This variable addresses the sense of safety and stability, capturing the spectrum from feelings of anxiety and fear to trust and a sense of justice.

In/satisfaction involves emotions associated with feelings of pleasure, such as displeasure, curiosity, and respect. This category considers how individuals derive satisfaction or dissatisfaction from their experiences, ranging from feelings of displeasure and boredom to curiosity and respect

According to Martin and White (2007), judgment involves meanings used to evaluate human behavior positively or negatively according to a set of socially institutionalized norms. This process occurs when a speaker assesses a human participant based on their actions or dispositions, grading them according to criteria such as morality, legality, social acceptability, valuation, and normality. Judgments are crucial in understanding how individuals conform to or deviate from societal standards, providing insight into the moral and ethical dimensions of human behavior.

Appreciation, as described by Martin and White (2007), focuses on evaluating natural objects, manufactures, texts, and abstract constructions, such as plans and policies. This type of evaluation may center on characteristics such as harmony, symmetry, balance, or, conversely, twisted or curved aspects. From an aesthetic perspective, appreciation can judge objects in terms of their attractiveness, charm, and beauty, or their negative counterparts, such as being boring or monotonous. Appreciation allows for a nuanced understanding of how aesthetic and functional qualities of objects are perceived and valued.

By analyzing texts through these categories-emotions, judgment, and appreciation- researchers can gain a comprehensive understanding of how values are communicated and perceived. This approach enables the identification of both explicit and implicit evaluative content, revealing the underlying attitudes and biases present in discourse.

Subsystem of Gradation

Although values are established by positive and negative poles, there is a spectrum of attitudes that moves between these two extremes. This theoretical perspective allows for the exploration of these attitudes not only in terms of positive and negative but also through intervals and scales (Martin & White, 2007).

Subsystem of Engagement

In this subsystem, particular attention is given to the sources of attitudes or the individuals who conduct evaluations, considering where the evaluation originates (Martin & White, 2007).

The Appraisal Theory and studies on Agenda Setting share a common interest in analyzing the affective load of texts, as identified by Krippendorff (1990) and White (2003). Both approaches recognize that, although determining appraisal in discourses with an explicit evaluative charge is relatively straightforward, there are texts in which these attributes are implicit and form part of the latent content of the messages.

1. Systematization of Publications

The interpretation of the results obtained from the analysis of the publications in “El Diario” focuses on the candidates Luisa González and Daniel Noboa during the campaign period for the 2023 runoff election in Ecuador, as detailed in Tables 1 and 2.

This study categorizes the news according to specific thematic axes: politics, security, economy, social issues, as well as debate and campaign topics. These latter categories were specifically included in this analysis due to their prevalence in the content examined from “El Diario”. The classification also considers the tone of the publications (positive, negative, neutral) and the type of content (news, opinion- editorials, interviews, reports), providing a detailed understanding of the media coverage of both candidates.

The data derived from the publications about Daniel Noboa in El Diario during the presidential runoff campaign in Ecuador reveal a distribution where 53% of the 32 publications were characterized by a neutral tone, 34.5% had a positive tone, and 13.8% had a negative tone, as detailed in Table 3. This variety in tone suggests that the coverage of El Diario towards Daniel Noboa was relatively balanced, with a tendency to present the candidate in a more favorable light.

In contrast, Luisa González, with a total of 31 publications, shows a distribution where 55% of the publications were classified as neutral, 19% as positive, and a significantly higher percentage, 26% as negative (see Table 3). This pattern of coverage indicates a tilt towards a more critical representation of González, which could significantly influence the public perception of her image.

The comparison of these tonal distributions highlights a distinct editorial approach taken by El Diario in its coverage of the two candidates. For Daniel Noboa, the higher proportion of neutral and positive tones suggests an effort to portray him in a largely impartial yet slightly favorable manner. This balanced coverage could enhance Noboa’s public image by emphasizing his strengths and reducing potential negative impacts.

Conversely, the coverage of Luisa González with a notably higher percentage of negative tones suggests a critical stance taken by El Diario. The lower proportion of positive articles combined with a significant amount of negative coverage could undermine González’s public image, potentially swaying voter perceptions unfavorably.

Table 3 illustrates these tonal distributions, providing a clear visual representation of the editorial choices made by El Diario. The data underscores the potential influence of media tone on public opinion, highlighting how differential treatment of candidates can shape electoral outcomes.

The impact of media tone on public perception is substantial, as positive coverage can bolster a candidate’s image, while negative coverage can detract from their appeal. The relatively balanced yet favorable coverage of Noboa might position him as a competent and appealing candidate, whereas the critical coverage of González could hinder her campaign by focusing on her perceived shortcomings.

The analysis of the types of content in the publications of El Diario regarding Daniel Noboa during the campaign for the presidential runoff in Ecuador reveals that news articles constitute the majority with 56%, followed by opinion articles at 41%, and only 3% are interviews, with no reports published about the candidate. This pattern indicates that El Diario favored a more neutral and less interpretative approach towards Noboa, focusing on disseminating his statements or proposals rather than delving into his personality or political stance, as observed in Table 4.

In contrast, the publications about Luisa González present a more balanced distribution between opinion articles (42%) and news (52%), along with a higher percentage of interviews (6%) compared to Daniel Noboa. These findings suggest that El Diario provided a broader space for exploring the ideas and personal perspective of González, as detailed in Table 4.

The disparity in content types between the two candidates highlights a nuanced approach by El Diario in its editorial coverage. For Noboa, the dominance of news articles suggests an emphasis on straightforward reporting of his campaign activities and policy proposals. This approach may aim to present Noboa as a candidate grounded in factual reporting, possibly enhancing his credibility through a focus on his statements and initiatives rather than subjective interpretations.

On the other hand, the balanced distribution of content types for González, including a higher proportion of interviews, indicates a more diverse portrayal that includes personal insights and detailed opinions. The increased presence of interviews allows for a deeper exploration of her viewpoints and personality, providing the electorate with a more comprehensive understanding of her candidacy. This broader coverage may help humanize González and connect her more personally with voters.

Table 4 illustrates these distributions, showcasing the editorial choices made by El Diario. The data suggests a strategic differentiation in coverage styles, potentially aimed at shaping distinct public perceptions of each candidate. The reliance on news articles for Noboa contrasts with the varied content types for González, reflecting different editorial priorities and possibly underlying biases in the newspaper’s approach.

Regarding the thematic axes of the publications related to Daniel Noboa, there is a prevalence of political themes (31%), closely followed by economic issues (28%). Security topics represent 10% of the publications, while aspects related to the campaign and debate only cover 3%. This distribution suggests that El Diario projected Noboa as a serious candidate committed to nationally relevant issues, balancing its coverage across three of the main themes debated during the presidential runoff, as shown in Table 5.

In contrast, publications about Luisa González were more focused on politics (36%) and economics (32%), with significant attention to social issues (26%) and less concentration on the campaign (6%). Notably, there was no percentage assigned to debates and security in the case of González. This omission suggests that these topics were either not central to her campaign or did not constitute a focus for El Diario in its coverage. This pattern could indicate a possible media bias by the newspaper or a specific editorial decision, as indicated in Table 5.

The differences in thematic focus between the coverage of Noboa and González may reflect an underlying editorial strategy aimed at shaping public perception. The emphasis on political and economic issues for both candidates aligns with the general priorities of the electorate, yet the disparity in attention to security and campaign-related themes highlights a significant divergence in narrative framing.

For Noboa, the balanced coverage of political, economic, and security issues portrays him as a well-rounded candidate capable of addressing multifaceted national concerns. This comprehensive approach may enhance his credibility among voters by demonstrating his engagement with a broad spectrum of critical topics.

In González’s case, the concentration on social issues alongside politics and economics suggests a campaign narrative more attuned to addressing the electorate’s immediate social concerns. However, the absence of security and debate-related coverage may imply a gap in the perceived completeness of her campaign platform. This selective coverage could potentially diminish her perceived readiness to tackle all aspects of national governance.

Table 5 further illustrates these thematic distributions, providing a visual representation of the editorial choices made by El Diario. The data suggests that the newspaper may have strategically curated content to align with specific narratives for each candidate. Such editorial decisions could significantly influence voter perceptions by highlighting certain aspects of a candidate’s platform while omitting others.

When comparing these findings with the existing literature, there is a consonance with previous studies suggesting that media coverage can construct or deconstruct candidates’ images in the public eye (Del Orbe, 2011; ^{Ninahuamán, 2018}). This study supports the notion that the media has a significant influence on public perception by either enhancing or diminishing the reputation of political figures.

The percentage analysis of the data highlights the differential media treatment of candidates by El Diario. Daniel Noboa enjoyed a substantial proportion of positive coverage, while Luisa González faced a high volume of critical and negative coverage. This disparity in media tone underscores a potential bias in reporting, which could significantly influence public opinion and voter behavior.

Discussing the potential impact of these patterns on the democratic process is essential. Equitable media coverage is crucial for a healthy democracy, as it ensures that all candidates have an equal opportunity to present their platforms and viewpoints to the electorate. However, the presence of negative tones or uneven emphasis on certain issues raises questions about the fairness and impartiality of media presentations. Such biases could undermine the democratic process by skewing public perception in favor of certain candidates over others.

The impact of communicative practices on electoral processes has been extensively studied from the perspective of political communication. This line of research highlights the ability of social and political actors, including the media, to establish frames of interpretation, emphasize certain elements of reality, and influence voters’ decisions. Studies by ^{Garrido, Carletta, and Rioda (2011}), ^{Iyengar and Kinder (2010}), and ^{Weaver (1994}) document the media’s role in shaping public opinion through strategic framing and agenda-setting.

In terms of news content, beyond merely constructing a media agenda, it can also develop frames of interpretation of reality that benefit the discourses and positions of some candidates over others (^{De Vreese, 2003}, ²⁰⁰⁵; ^{Semetko and Valkenburg, 2000}). From this viewpoint, it is argued that information can manipulate a citizen’s vote by framing the news within matrices such as moral, political, economic, social, and even religious values. This framing can significantly influence voter perceptions and decisions by highlighting specific aspects of a candidate’s character or platform.

The particularity of print media over other forms relates to the publication of news, analysis, and opinions. Trust in newspapers is often due to their long-standing history, traditions, renowned journalists, and the ethical codes they once represented.

The influence of newspapers on voters is substantial, as headlines about a candidate or political party can significantly highlight positive or negative aspects of the presented information (^{Hernández, 2023}).

^{Sevilla (2021}) contends that although voters seek to understand proposals to address

national problems, the decline in the prestige of political parties has led to a shift in focus toward the personal qualities and actions of individual candidates. This phenomenon has shifted public attention from institutions to individual political figures due to the loss of credibility of the former. Consequently, media coverage has increasingly focused on politicians rather than party platforms, thereby altering the dynamics of voter influence.

The consequences of a media outlet leaning towards one candidate or another inevitably include the alteration of the vote. Studies by the aforementioned authors relate facts to each other, demonstrating how media bias can affect electoral outcomes.