<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>2007-736X</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Cuadernos de Lingüística de El Colegio de México]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Cuad. Lingüíst. Col. Méx.]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>2007-736X</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[El Colegio de México A.C.]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S2007-736X2024000100110</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24201/clecm.v11i00.313</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[Entre la diacronía y la sincronía: la palatalización de obstruyentes dorsales en la lengua niva&#265;le (mataguaya)]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Between diachrony and synchrony: the palatalization of dorsal obstruents in the Niva&#265;le language (Mataguayan)]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Gutiérrez]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Analía]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad de Buenos Aires Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Argentina</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2024</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2024</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>11</volume>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S2007-736X2024000100110&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S2007-736X2024000100110&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S2007-736X2024000100110&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen. Este trabajo analiza la palatalización de obstruyentes dorsales en la lengua niva&#265;le (mataguaya) desde una perspectiva diacrónica y sincrónica. A partir de datos de primera mano y fuentes secundarias, se estudian sus trayectorias y procesos y se los contrasta con los hallados en otras lenguas de la familia mataguaya. Asumiendo la motivación fonética del cambio de sonido, tanto por factores perceptuales como articulatorios (Recasens 2020), se hipotetiza que la palatalización completa (Bateman 2007) de las dorsales del niva&#265;le involucró un estadío intermedio de palatalización secundaria: *k &gt; c &gt; [t&#865;&#643;] y *x &gt; ç &gt; &#643;, dada la evidencia comparativa con otras lenguas mataguayas y las alternancias registradas en las fuentes sobre el niva&#265;le. Asimismo, se demuestra que además de que las obstruyentes dorsales experimentaron una palatalización regresiva y progresiva que dio como resultado la fonologización de [t&#865;&#643;] [t&#865;&#643;&#8217;] y [&#643;], la palatalización se expandió a contextos morfológicos. Existen alternancias entre morfemas con dorsales y alveopalatales iniciales que en la sincronía no siempre están motivadas por la anterioridad de la vocal, sino por una consonante coronal adyacente. Se hipotetiza así una sobregeneralización del rasgo CORONAL.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract. This work analyzes the palatalization of dorsal obstruents in the Niva&#265;le (Mataguayan) language from a diachronic and synchronic perspective. Using first-hand data and secondary sources, the trajectories and processes of the Niva&#265;le dorsal obstruents of Niva&#265;le are studied and contrasted with those found in other languages and varieties of the Mataguayan family. Assuming that sound change is phonetically motivated, not only due to perceptual, but also articulatory factors (Recasens 2020), it is hypothesized that the complete palatalization (Bateman 2007) of the Niva&#265;le dorsal obstruents involved an intermediate stage of secondary palatalization *k &gt; c &gt; [t&#865;&#643;] and from *x &gt; ç &gt; &#643;, given the comparative evidence in the other Mataguayan languages and the alternations recorded in the available sources on this language. Likewise, it is shown that in addition to the phonologization of [t&#643;] [t&#643;&#8217;] and [&#643;], palatalization also expanded to morphological contexts. There are alternations between morphemes with dorsal and alveopalatal initials that in synchrony are not always motivated by the anteriority of the vowel, but by an adjacent coronal consonant. An overgeneralization of the CORONAL feature is thus hypothesized.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[palatalización]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[cambio de sonido]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[morfo-fonología]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[niva&#265;le]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[familia mataguaya]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[palatalization]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[sound change]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[morpho-phonology]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Niva&#265;le]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Mataguayan language family]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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<source><![CDATA[Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique]]></source>
<year>2007</year>
<volume>52</volume>
<numero>1-2</numero>
<issue>1-2</issue>
<page-range>43-70</page-range></nlm-citation>
</ref>
</ref-list>
</back>
</article>
