<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>2448-654X</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Estudios de Asia y África]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Estud. Asia Áfr.]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>2448-654X</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[El Colegio de México A.C.]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S2448-654X2016000200365</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[Los refugiados sirios como &#8220;problema&#8221; de seguridad regional]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Syrian Refugees as a Regional Security &#8220;Problem&#8221;]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Ghotme]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Rafat]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[García Sicard]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Nadia]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad Nacional de Colombia  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[Bogotá ]]></addr-line>
<country>Colombia</country>
</aff>
<aff id="Af2">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad Militar Nueva Granada Facultad de Relaciones Internacionales Seguridad y Estrategia]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Colombia</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>08</month>
<year>2016</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>08</month>
<year>2016</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>51</volume>
<numero>2</numero>
<fpage>365</fpage>
<lpage>390</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S2448-654X2016000200365&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S2448-654X2016000200365&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S2448-654X2016000200365&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen El propósito de este artículo es mostrar cómo Líbano, Turquía y Jordania, los principales Estados receptores de refugiados sirios, se han visto afectados por el gran flujo de personas que han ingresado a sus territorios. Con un éxodo de 3.2 millones de personas, la crisis de refugiados provocada por la guerra civil siria se convirtió en uno de los principales problemas de seguridad de esos países y en uno de los aspectos más relevantes de la internacionalización del conflicto sirio. A pesar de reconocer la utilidad de diferentes perspectivas interdisciplinarias, y particularmente de la humanitaria, en este estudio primará la visión estatista, que subraya el vínculo entre la seguridad y los refugiados como &#8220;problema&#8221;. Esta perspectiva &#8220;realista&#8221; permite captar mejor cómo y por qué el &#8220;problema&#8221; de los refugiados sirios llevó a los gobiernos de Líbano, Turquía y Jordania a generar políticas tendentes a preservar o expandir sus intereses de seguridad y a colocarlos por encima de las consideraciones humanitarias. Líbano, el país más afectado por la crisis de refugiados, ha experimentado este proceso de diversas maneras. Aparte de tener que controlar los brotes de violencia en los campos de refugiados, el gobierno libanés convirtió esas localidades en verdaderos centros de operaciones contra los yihadistas sirios, y ataca los campos de refugiados con el pretexto de que éstos se encuentran resguardados allí. Los refugiados también contribuyen a alterar el precario equilibrio sociodemográfico de Líbano. Todos estos factores llevaron al gobierno libanés a controlar la entrada de más refugiados, mientras se profundizaba su incapacidad para mejorar las condiciones de los que ya estaban instalados en ese país. Turquía, por otra parte, ha sufrido los efectos de la guerra civil siria, tanto por la violencia etnorreligiosa desatada a lo largo de su frontera como por la posición estratégica que tienen los campos de refugiados en las zonas de combate. El gobierno turco ha desempeñado un rol importante en este último sentido, ya que desde el inicio de la guerra civil prestó apoyo logístico y político a la oposición siria. Así, mientras la frontera siga siendo punto para el intercambio de armas o la circulación de combatientes, la ayuda humanitaria, ciertamente politizada, contribuirá a profundizar la precariedad de los refugiados. Jordania, finalmente, al acoger centenares de miles de refugiados, ha tenido que hacer frente a un creciente problema de seguridad. Las decisiones del gobierno respecto de los refugiados, sin embargo, están atadas a la captación de &#8220;ayuda humanitaria&#8221; y al apoyo militar de sus aliados estratégicos, como Estados Unidos, en el marco de la &#8220;guerra global contra el terrorismo&#8221;; de hecho, los campos de refugiados sirven para entrenar o reclutar combatientes que van a luchar contra el régimen sirio o los milicianos del Estado Islámico. En resumen, la expansión del conflicto a lo largo de las fronteras no sólo hizo que se deterioraran las condiciones de los refugiados, sino que además llevó a que los mismos refugiados fueran convertidos en factores de poder de los Estados implicados.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract The intention of this article is to demonstrate how Lebanon, Turkey and Jordan, the principal host states of Syrian refugees, have been affected by the large flow of people who have entered their territories. With an exodus of approximately 3.2 million people to date, the refugee crisis caused by the Syrian civil war has become one of the major security problems of these host countries and one of the most important aspects of the internationalization of the Syrian conflict. Although this study recognizes the matter of different interdisciplinary perspectives, particularly the humanitarian, it emphasizes the statistic view that links the security and refugees as a &#8220;problem&#8221;. This &#8220;realistic&#8221; perspective allows the reader to grasp how and why the &#8220;problem&#8221; of Syrian refugees in Lebanon, Turkey and Jordan led the governments of these countries to generate policies to preserve or expand their security interests: placing these interests over and above humanitarian considerations. Lebanon, the country most affected by the refugee crisis, has experienced this process in various ways. Apart from having to control outbreaks of violence in refugee camps, the Lebanese government made these localities true centers of operations against Syrian jihadists, attacking the refugee camps under the pretext that these groups were sheltering there. Refugees also contribute to the alteration of the precarious socio-demographic balance in Lebanon. All these factors led the Lebanese government to attempt to control the entry of more refugees, while reducing their ability to improve the conditions of those who were already settled there. Turkey, on the other hand, has suffered from the Syrian civil war primarily because of the ethno-religious violence unleashed along its border as well as the strategic position occupied by refugee camps in combat zones. The Turkish government has played an important role in this sense, since from the beginning of the civil war it has provided logistical and political support to the Syrian opposition. In that sense the border remains a zone along which groups can exchange weapons or circulate combatants. Humanitarian aid, certainly politicized, will only exacerbate the precariousness which refugees already experience. Jordan, upon having received hundreds of thousands of refugees, has had to face an increasing security problem. Government decisions regarding the refugees, however, are tied to the acquisition of &#8220;humanitarian aid&#8221; and military support from its strategic allies such as the United States as part of the &#8220;global war on terror&#8221;. In fact, refugee camps serve to train or recruit fighters who will fight against the Syrian regime and militants of the Islamic State. In short, the expansion of the conflict along these borders has not only caused the refugees&#8217; situation to deteriorate but has also led to a situation in which these same refugees have been converted into bargaining chips by the states involved in order to consolidate their power.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Refugiados]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Siria]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Líbano]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Turquía]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Jordania]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[realismo]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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