<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>2448-4911</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Revista mexicana de opinión pública]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Rev. mex. opinión pública]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>2448-4911</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S2448-49112023000200173</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22201/fcpys.24484911e.2023.35.83991</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[La clasificación social del electorado: las elecciones de junio de 2021 en la Ciudad de México]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Social Classification of the Electorate: the June 2021 Election in Mexico]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Arteaga Botello]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Nelson]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Mexico</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2023</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2023</year>
</pub-date>
<numero>35</numero>
<fpage>173</fpage>
<lpage>195</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S2448-49112023000200173&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S2448-49112023000200173&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S2448-49112023000200173&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen Se analiza la competencia por el control del sentido del comportamiento electoral en junio de 2021 en la Ciudad de México. A través de la sociología cultural se explora, en las columnas políticas de cinco periódicos, cómo dicha competencia expresa las estructuras culturales profundas que califican, o descalifican, como civilmente puro o impuro al electorado en función de su comportamiento en las urnas. Se muestra cómo el presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador calificó como civilmente puro a sus electores del oriente de la ciudad porque su pobreza y compromiso político los inmunizó del bombardeo mediático contra su gobierno; mientras los electores de la zona poniente fueron considerados impuros porque fueron manipulados por medios de comunicación conservadores. Los críticos a López Obrador acusaron que el voto opositor fue la expresión de un electorado autónomo cansado del discurso polarizador del presidente. No se explora la competencia en la radio, televisión y redes sociales. El trabajo es relevante porque analiza cómo se construyeron dos horizontes narrativos del sentido del comportamiento electoral: uno de carácter horizontal, que opuso al oriente vis-à-vis al poniente de la ciudad o clases populares vis-à-vis clases medias, y otro horizonte narrativo vertical, que opuso clases medias vis-à-vis el presidente.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract The competition for controlling the meaning of the electoral behavior of June 2021 in Mexico City is analyzed. Through cultural sociology, it is explored, in the political columns of five newspapers, how this competition expresses the deep cultural structures that qualify or disqualify the electorate as civilly pure or impure based on their behavior at the polls. It shows how President Andrés Manuel López Obrador described his voters in the eastern part of the city as civilly pure because their poverty and political commitment immunized them from the media bombardment against his government, while the voters in the western area were considered impure because conservative media manipulated them. Critics of López Obrador charged that the opposition vote was the expression of an autonomous electorate tired of the president&#8217;s polarizing discourse. Competition on radio, television, and social networks is not explored. The work is relevant because it analyzes how two narrative horizons of the sense of electoral behavior were constructed: one of a horizontal nature, which opposed the east vis-à-vis the west of the city or popular classes vis-à-vis middle classes, and another vertical narrative horizon, which opposed the middle classes vis-à-vis the president.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Sociología cultural]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[clasificación social]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[semánticas del electorado]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[esfera civil]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[clases medias]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[clases populares]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Cultural sociology]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[social classification]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[semantics of the electorate]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[civil sphere]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[middle classes]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[popular classes]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
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