<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>1870-3550</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Norteamérica]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Norteamérica]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>1870-3550</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Centro de Investigaciones sobre América del Norte]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S1870-35502020000100111</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22201/cisan.24487228e.2020.1.414</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Trump&#8217;s U.S.-Mexico Border Agenda: An Agenda-Building Examination Of Candidate-Generated Messages]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[La agenda fronteriza de Trump Estados Unidos-México: un estudio de los mensajes del candidato a partir de la teoría Agenda-Building]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Flores]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[María de los Ángeles]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Chavez]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Manuel]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,The University of Texas Department of Communication ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[El Paso ]]></addr-line>
<country>USA</country>
</aff>
<aff id="Af2">
<institution><![CDATA[,Michigan State University College of Commnication Arts and Sciences School of Journalism]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>USA</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>06</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>06</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>15</volume>
<numero>1</numero>
<fpage>111</fpage>
<lpage>147</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S1870-35502020000100111&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S1870-35502020000100111&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S1870-35502020000100111&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract On June 16, 2015, Donald J. Trump announced his candidacy for president of the United States, stating that he would build a wall on the southern border and Mexico would pay for it. From that moment on, the U.S.-Mexico border region became the news epicenter in the nation throughout the 2016 presidential campaign. This article examines Trump&#8217;s candidate-generated messages in relation to the border as part of his political communication strategy. The authors perform a content analysis of his political ads and Twitter posts along with a textual analysis of his official website and his first 100-day contract. The Spearman&#8217;s rank-order correlation coefficient was then used to assess the degree of interdependence of issue positions for each issue. Outcomes showed that Trump presented 16 issues, 6 related to the border (the economy, foreign policy, immigration, regulations, taxes, and trade). Results found 28 issue positions relating to the border, with the highest number of solutions offered via Trump&#8217;s Twitter agenda and his 100-day agenda. The strongest degree of interdependence between agendas was observed on immigration between Trump&#8217;s TV-ad agenda and his 100-day agenda (rho = +0.545), and on the economy between Trump&#8217;s TV-ad agenda and his Twitter agenda (rho = +0.538). In both instances, the messages transmitted to voters on those political communication venues were very similar to each other.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen El 16 de junio del 2015, Donald J. Trump anunció su candidatura para presidente de Estados Unidos. Afirmó que construiría un muro en la frontera sur y que México pagaría por él. A partir de ese momento, la zona fronteriza Estados Unidos-México se convirtió en el epicentro de noticias en la nación durante su campaña presidencial del 2016. Este artículo analiza los mensajes generados por Trump relacionados con la frontera como parte de su estrategia de comunicación política. La recopilación de los datos para esta investigación se realizó por medio de dos metodologías: la primera consiste en un análisis de contenido de los anuncios políticos de Trump transmitidos por televisión y los mensajes de Twitter generados por Trump en su cuenta personal; la segunda es un análisis de texto del sitio oficial de Internet de la campaña de Trump, así como el contrato que realizó con el pueblo estadunidense describiendo sus compromisos de gobierno durante sus primeros cien días de mandato. Posteriormente, se realizó el estudio estadístico coeficiente Spearmen de correlación rango-orden para evaluar el grado de interdependencia entre los mensajes enviados por Trump a través de sus diferentes plataformas de comunicación política. Los resultados determinaron que la plataforma política de Trump constó de dieciséis temas, de los cuales seis estaban directamente relacionados con asuntos fronterizos como economía, política exterior, inmigración, regulaciones, impuestos y comercio. Además, cada uno de esos temas presentaba posturas específicas de Trump, por lo que se identificaron veintiocho propuestas políticas relacionadas con la frontera. El mayor número de propuestas se dio a conocer a través Twitter y el compromiso de sus primeros cien días de gobierno. El mayor nivel de interdependencia entre agendas se observó en el tema de inmigración, al comparar anuncios de televisión y el compromiso de los cien días (rho = +0.545), y en el tema de economía, al comparar anuncios televisivos y los tweets (rho = +0.538); en ambos casos, los mensajes políticos enviados a los votantes fueron muy similares.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[2016 U.S. presidential election]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[agenda-building effect]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Donald Trump]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[political communication]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[U.S.-Mexico border studies]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Estados Unidos]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[elecciones presidenciales de 2016]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[efecto Agenda-Building]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Donald Trump]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[comunicación política]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[estudios fronterizos Estados Unidos-México]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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