<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>1870-3550</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Norteamérica]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Norteamérica]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>1870-3550</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Centro de Investigaciones sobre América del Norte]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S1870-35502019000200101</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.22201/cisan.24487228e.2019.2.402</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[Hegemonía no liberal]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Illiberal Hegemony]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Valdés-Ugalde]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[José Luis]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Centro de Investigaciones sobre América del Norte ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Mexico</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2019</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2019</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>14</volume>
<numero>2</numero>
<fpage>101</fpage>
<lpage>120</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S1870-35502019000200101&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S1870-35502019000200101&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S1870-35502019000200101&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen El internacionalismo liberal había sido históricamente el cuadrante desde el cual Estados Unidos definía su política internacional. Se trata de un espacio en que el multilateralismo y las instituciones internacionales, como la Organización de las Naciones Unidas (ONU), creadas por Washington y sus aliados en la segunda posguerra, tenderían a la consecución de los arreglos económicos, políticos y sociales que dieran certidumbre y equilibro a la gobernanza global, al tiempo que contendrían los peligros para la paz mundial que representaban para Occidente las acciones del bloque soviético. Mi argumento aquí, es que con la presidencia de Trump se eclipsó este acuerdo tácito y la política exterior de Estados Unidos perdió el rumbo, no sólo por el barullo que provocó entre aliados y contrarios su narrativa desquiciada y provocadora, sino también porque desacomodó las fichas del tablero de ajedrez que Estados Unidos había jugado tradicionalmente en política exterior, incluidos los avances diplomáticos que Obama, mal que bien, había logrado en Medio Oriente, Cuba, Europa y Asia. A la crisis democrática interna que rodea su anómala elección, se agrega que Trump le quita al principio de hegemonía, tan cuidado por Washington, su carácter &#8220;liberal&#8221;.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract Historically, the United States has defined its international policy in the sphere of liberal internationalism. It is a space in which multilateralism and international institutions like the United Nations, created by Washington and its allies after World War II, would tend to create economic, political, and social arrangements that would provide certainty and equilibrium for global governance and at the same time contain the dangers to world peace that the West saw as posed by the Soviet bloc&#8217;s actions. The author argues here that with the Trump presidency, this tacit agreement has been eclipsed and U.S. foreign policy has lost its way, not only because of the racket caused among allies and opponents by its deranged, provocative narrative, but also because it has upset the pieces on the chess board where the United States had traditionally played out its foreign policy, including diplomatic advances that Obama -for better or worse- had achieved in the Middle East, Cuba, Europe, and Asia. In addition to the internal democratic crisis surrounding Trump&#8217;s anomalous election, Trump has eliminated the &#8220;liberal&#8221; nature of the principle of hegemony, so carefully maintained by Washington.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Liberalismo democrático]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[hegemón no liberal]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[hegemonía]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[democracia liberal]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[populismo]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[soberanismo]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[nacionalismo]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[democratic liberalism]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[illiberal hegemon]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[hegemony]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[liberal democracy]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[populism]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[sovereigntism]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[nationalism]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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