<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>1665-2037</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Política y gobierno]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Polít. gob]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>1665-2037</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas A.C., División de Estudios Políticos]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S1665-20372020000200004</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[Contagio criminal. Cómo las detenciones de gobernadores debilitaron al PRI]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[Criminal Contagion. How Governor Detentions Weakened the PRI]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Ang]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Milena]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,The University of Texas Departamento de Ciencia Política y Geografía ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2020</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>27</volume>
<numero>2</numero>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S1665-20372020000200004&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S1665-20372020000200004&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S1665-20372020000200004&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen En los últimos años se ha producido un aumento sin precedentes de gobernadores mexicanos procesados y encarcelados por corrupción, la mayoría de los cuales pertenecían al partido gobernante, el Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI). ¿Podrían estos casos judiciales explicar en parte la estrepitosa pérdida electoral sufrida por el PRI en 2018? En este artículo, sostengo que el comportamiento criminal de los gobernadores priistas que fueron procesados afectó el más reciente resultado electoral presidencial del PRI. Primero, argumento que este comportamiento criminal afectó la reputación partidaria del PRI. Ilustro esta afirmación mostrando que estas acciones criminales fueron a menudo referidas por los medios de comunicación como evidencia no sólo de malversación individual, sino de redes -encarnadas en el PRI- que habían permitido el comportamiento criminal. En segundo lugar, sostengo que estos discursos afectaron el voto. Propongo que, si estos discursos estaban efectivamente afectando el voto del pri, deberíamos observar menor apoyo al PRI entre los votantes que están más expuestos a estos discursos, como los votantes de lugares con gobernadores corruptos y los votantes de distritos con mayor acceso a internet. Utilizando una estrategia de diferencias en diferencias y un análisis transversal, muestro que ambos grupos en efecto votaron con menos frecuencia por el PRI. Concluyo el artículo discutiendo las consecuencias de la elección y lo que significa la existencia de este contagio para la rendición de cuentas partidista.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract Recent years have witnessed an unprecedented rise of Mexican governors prosecuted and incarcerated for corruption, most of which were from the ruling party PRI (Partido Revolucionario Institucional). Could these judicial cases partly explain the resounding electoral loss suffered by the PRI party in 2018? In this paper, I argue that the criminal behavior of PRI governors who were prosecuted affected the PRI&#8217;S most recent presidential electoral outcome. First, I argue that this criminal behavior affected the partisan reputation of the PRI. I illustrate this claim by showing that these criminal actions were often referenced by the media as evidence not only of individual malfeasance but of networks &#8212;embodied in the PRI party&#8212; that had enabled the criminal behavior. Second, I argue that these discourses affected electoral choice. I propose that if these discourses were indeed affecting the PRI vote, we should observe lower support for PRI among voters that are most exposed to these discourses such as voters of places with criminal governors and voters in districts with higher access to internet. Using a difference-indifferences setup and a cross-sectional analysis, I show that both of these groups indeed voted less frequently for the PRI. I conclude the paper by discussing the aftermath of the election and what the existence of this contagion means for partisan accountability.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[escándalos de corrupción]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[elecciones]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[partidos políticos]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[gobernadores]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[corruption prosecution]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[elections]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[political parties]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[governors]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
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