<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>1665-2037</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Política y gobierno]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Polít. gob]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>1665-2037</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas A.C., División de Estudios Políticos]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S1665-20372016000200437</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[Capacidad estatal, justicia criminal y derechos políticos. Nueva mirada al debate sobre la violencia contra las mujeres en política]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[State Capacity, Criminal Justice, and Political Rights. Rethinking Violence against Women in Politics]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Piscopo]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Jennifer M.]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Occidental College Facultad de Política ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[Los Ángeles CA]]></addr-line>
<country>USA</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2016</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>12</month>
<year>2016</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>23</volume>
<numero>2</numero>
<fpage>437</fpage>
<lpage>458</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S1665-20372016000200437&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S1665-20372016000200437&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S1665-20372016000200437&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen: Las mujeres que se dedican a la política en América Latina padecen de múltiples formas de violencia de género, desde ataques físicos hasta comentarios sexuales degradantes. Las activistas que se enfrentan con este problema lo han etiquetado como violencia política contra las mujeres (VAWIP, por sus siglas en inglés). La VAWIP enfatiza la violación de los derechos político-electorales de las mujeres aprovechando una oportunidad política. En América Latina, los sistemas de justicia están en crisis, la impunidad predomina y el uso de la violencia para mantener el poder político y patriarcal está normalizado. Si bien el Estado no tiene ni la capacidad ni la voluntad para proteger los derechos de los ciudadanos, tanto la integridad física como emocional, los órganos electorales sí han protegido los derechos de las mujeres de elegir y ser electas. De esta forma, clasificar la VAWIP como un crimen electoral es una estrategia eficaz por parte de las activistas -pero una que los investigadores no pueden adoptar sin perder poder explicativo-. Desde la perspectiva académica, la VAWIP ignora cómo la impunidad fomenta la rutinización de la violencia a través del Estado y la sociedad, y plantea soluciones de políticas públicas que sólo castigan a los partidos políticos y protegen a las mujeres que forman parte de las élites. Tales reformas no buscan aliviar problemas fundamentales como lo es la debilidad de un Estado de derecho.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract: Female politicians in Latin America experience myriad forms of gender-based abuse, from physical attacks to degrading sexual commentaries. Activists have framed this problem as violence against women in politics (VAWIP), an emphasis on women's political and electoral rights that reflects the political opportunity structure. In Latin America, broken criminal justice systems foment impunity, normalizing actors' use of violence to maintain political and patriarchal power. Citizens' rights to physical and emotional security are not protected by law enforcement, but women's rights to elect and be elected have received substantive protections from electoral institutions and electoral courts. Consequently, framing VAWIP as an electoral crime represents an astute activist strategy-but one that researchers cannot adopt without losing explanatory power. From an academic standpoint, VAWIP overlooks how widespread impunity results in the routinization of violence throughout state and society, leading to policy solutions narrowly tailored to punish political parties and protect elite women. Such reforms do little to address the underlying absence of the rule of law.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[género]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[violencia]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[derechos políticos]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[derechos electorales]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[mujeres]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[delincuencia]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[impunidad]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[gender]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[violence]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[political rights]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[electoral rights]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[women]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[criminality]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[impunity]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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