<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>0185-013X</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Foro internacional]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Foro int]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>0185-013X</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[El Colegio de México A.C.]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S0185-013X2025000300523</article-id>
<article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.24201/fi.3170</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[De la negociación al conflicto: la transformación de la relación ejecutivo-legislativo en México, 2018-2024]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[From negotiation to conflict: the transformation of executive-legislative relations in Mexico, 2018-2024]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Velázquez López Velarde]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Rodrigo]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[González Viveros]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Liliana Deyanira]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas  ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[ ]]></addr-line>
<country>Mexico</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>09</month>
<year>2025</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>09</month>
<year>2025</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>65</volume>
<numero>3</numero>
<fpage>523</fpage>
<lpage>574</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S0185-013X2025000300523&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S0185-013X2025000300523&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S0185-013X2025000300523&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen: Desde la transición democrática en México en 1997 y hasta 2018, los presidentes sin mayoría legislativa se vieron obligados a negociar su agenda con la oposición o a ajustarla con base en el apoyo político que tuvieron en el Congreso, con lo que se mantuvo un equilibrio relativo entre Ejecutivo y Legislativo. Este balance se rompió con la llegada de Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) al poder, cuya estrategia de conflicto directo con la oposición derivó en el debilitamiento de los contrapesos institucionales. En este artículo hacemos un análi sis comparativo de las acciones de inconstitucionalidad de los gobiernos de Peña Nieto y AMLO e identificamos tres acciones específicas de la estrategia de conflicto que transformaron la relación Ejecutivo-Legislativo: el uso de procedimientos legislativos no democráticos por la coalición oficialista para aprobar iniciativas presidenciales clave; la aprobación de reformas orientadas a debilitar los contrapesos institucionales y la impugnación de la oposición de reformas de gran calado ante la Suprema Corte. El análisis revela que la política de conflicto eliminó la posibilidad de cooperación entre las fuerzas políticas, además de dañar componentes esenciales del sistema democrático.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract: From Mexico&#8217;s democratic transition in 1997 until 2018, presidents without a legislative majority were forced to negotiate their agenda with the opposition or adjust it, based on their political party support in Congress, thus maintaining a relative balance between the Executive and Legislative branches. With the arrival to power of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), who implemented a direct confrontation strategy with the opposition, the balance was broken, weakening institutional checks and balances. Based on a comparative analysis of constitutional review actions (acciones de inconstitucionalidad) during the Peña Nieto and AMLO administrations, we identify three specific actions through which this conflict strategy was carried out and eventually transformed the Executive-Legislative relationship: the use of undemocratic Legislative procedures by the ruling coalition to pass key presidential initiatives; the approval of reforms aimed at weakening institutional checks and balances; and the opposition&#8217;s challenges of major reforms in the Supreme Court. The analysis reveals that the political conflict strategy hindered the potential cooperation between the branches of power and undermined fundamental components of the democratic system.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[relaciones Ejecutivo-Legislativo]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[política de conflicto]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[AMLO]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[acciones de inconstitucionalidad]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[sistema democrático]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[Executive-Legislative relations]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[conflict strategy]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[AMLO]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[constitutional review]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="en"><![CDATA[democratic system]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
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