<?xml version="1.0" encoding="ISO-8859-1"?><article xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance">
<front>
<journal-meta>
<journal-id>2448-654X</journal-id>
<journal-title><![CDATA[Estudios de Asia y África]]></journal-title>
<abbrev-journal-title><![CDATA[Estud. Asia Áfr.]]></abbrev-journal-title>
<issn>2448-654X</issn>
<publisher>
<publisher-name><![CDATA[El Colegio de México A.C.]]></publisher-name>
</publisher>
</journal-meta>
<article-meta>
<article-id>S2448-654X2016000100105</article-id>
<title-group>
<article-title xml:lang="es"><![CDATA[La articulación de intereses de los Mo&#1263;&#257;hed&#299;n-e Jalq-e Iran: de la Revolución islámica al Movimiento Verde]]></article-title>
<article-title xml:lang="en"><![CDATA[The Articulation of Interests of the Mojahedin-e Khalq-e Organization: From the Islamic Revolution to the Green Movement]]></article-title>
</title-group>
<contrib-group>
<contrib contrib-type="author">
<name>
<surname><![CDATA[Garduño]]></surname>
<given-names><![CDATA[Moisés]]></given-names>
</name>
<xref ref-type="aff" rid="Aff"/>
</contrib>
</contrib-group>
<aff id="Af1">
<institution><![CDATA[,Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México Facultad de Ciencias Políticas y Sociales ]]></institution>
<addr-line><![CDATA[D. F. ]]></addr-line>
<country>Mexico</country>
</aff>
<pub-date pub-type="pub">
<day>00</day>
<month>04</month>
<year>2016</year>
</pub-date>
<pub-date pub-type="epub">
<day>00</day>
<month>04</month>
<year>2016</year>
</pub-date>
<volume>51</volume>
<numero>1</numero>
<fpage>105</fpage>
<lpage>135</lpage>
<copyright-statement/>
<copyright-year/>
<self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&amp;pid=S2448-654X2016000100105&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_abstract&amp;pid=S2448-654X2016000100105&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><self-uri xlink:href="http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_pdf&amp;pid=S2448-654X2016000100105&amp;lng=en&amp;nrm=iso"></self-uri><abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="es"><p><![CDATA[Resumen Este artículo defiende la hipótesis que ve la supervivencia política de la Organización de los Mo&#1263;a&#772;hedi&#772;n-e Jalq-e Iran (Los Combatientes del Pueblo de Irán) como un producto de la articulación de intereses con actores contrarios a la República Islámica de Irán y no por la efectividad de su discurso y proyecto político ante la sociedad iraní. Los Mo&#1263;a&#772; hedi&#772;n-e Jalq-e Iran son un grupo que participó al lado de Jomeini y de muchas otras organizaciones en la Revolución islámica de Irán contra las fuerzas policiales, militares y de inteligencia de la monarquía Pahlevi&#772;; sin embargo, tras la Revolución de 1979, el choque de intereses creados entre la organización y la nueva élite de la República Islámica originó un ambiente de tensión y desconfianza que desembocó en una nueva confrontación armada entre ambos actores. Dicha guerra llevó a los Mo&#1263;a&#772;hedi&#772;n-e Jalq-e Iran y a sus líderes, Masud y Maryam Rayavi, a establecer una alianza con el gobierno de Sadam Husein en Iraq, que los dotó de armas, dinero y entrenamiento militar profesional suficiente para golpear a la naciente República Islámica y asesinar no sólo a varios políticos y personajes clave de la política iraní del momento, sino también a miles de civiles. La posición estratégica que los Mo&#1263;a&#772; hedi&#772;n-e Jalq-e Iran tuvieron en Iraq fue aprovechada hasta el último día de la existencia del régimen baazista cuando, ante la invasión estadounidense en 2003, Sadam Husein fue derrocado y sentenciado a muerte, lo que dejó a la organización con el dilema de desaparecer o bien cerrar filas con influyentes políticos de los gobiernos que lideraron aquella invasión, decisión última que fue adoptada en aras de seguir adelante con su búsqueda de poder en Irán y por su propia supervivencia política. Si bien se trata del actor de oposición mejor organizado contra la República Islámica de Irán, actualmente, los mo&#1263;a&#772;hedi&#772;n siguen vivos debido a la forma en la que han vendido sus servicios políticos, militares y de inteligencia a lo largo de la historia a países como Iraq, Estados Unidos e Israel. Esto a cambio de seguir trabajando como una organización política de oposición con dinero de sus aliados y otros recursos obtenidos por la manipulación de su base social, a quien promete la instauración de una &#8220;República Islámica Democrática de Irán&#8221;, un modelo donde llaman a la defensa de la democracia, el Estado laico, los derechos humanos y el acatamiento del modelo económico del libre mercado, ideología contraria a más de veinte años de un activismo de corte islamo-marxista. El texto analiza los sucesos que, desde 1980 hasta la fecha, se han producido entre los Mo&#1263;a&#772;hedi&#772;n-e Jalq-e Iran y la élite política de la República Islámica de Irán, que mantienen un enfrentamiento armado directo y declarado, así como una retórica de mutua demonización que no sólo ha afectado la política interna del régimen iraní, sino que también ha tocado temas cruciales de sus relaciones internacionales y de política exterior, tales como la promoción del modelo revolucionario iraní en el Medio Oriente, el programa nuclear y los asuntos relacionados con el Movimiento Verde.]]></p></abstract>
<abstract abstract-type="short" xml:lang="en"><p><![CDATA[Abstract This paper defends the hypothesis that the political survival of the Mojahedin-e Khalq-e Iran Organization (The Fighters of the People of Iran) is dependent upon the recognition of this group&#8217;s joint interests with the political competitors of the Islamic Republic of Iran and not due to the effectiveness of any discursive or political project as these might relate to the Iranian society at large. The Mojahedin-e Khalq-e Iran Organization participated in the Islamic Revolution of 1979 alongside Khomeini and many other political factions against the police, military and intelligence forces of the Pahlavi monarchy. However, after the Revolution, a clash of interests between the organization and the new elite led by Ayatollah Khomeini surged to the fore and caused an atmosphere of tension and distrust that lead to a new armed confrontation between these organizations. This war led the Mojahedin-e Khalq and their leaders, Massoud and Maryam Rayavi, to establish an alliance with Saddam Hussein in Iraq who provided them with weapons, money and military training in order to attack the nascent Islamic Republic of Iran, killing several politicians and key figures of the Iranian politics as well as thousands of civilians. The strategic position that the Mojahedin-e Khalq had in Iraq was maintained until the last day of the existence of the Baathist regime when, after the US invasion in 2003, Saddam Hussein was overthrown and sentenced to death. This left the organization with the following dilemma: to disappear forever or to join the Western invader whom they had criticized during the initial years of political activism. The decision taken was to opt for the latter in order to go ahead with their quest for power in Iran and their own political survival. While this group is the strongest and well-organized opposition group against the Islamic Republic of Iran today, the Mojahedin survive because of the historical way in which they have sold their political, military and intelligence services to countries like Iraq, the United States and Israel, in order to continue working as an opposition political organization with funding from its allies and other resources obtained by the manipulation of its social base. To this population the Mojahedin promises the establishment of a &#8220;Democratic Islamic Republic of Iran&#8221;, a model in which they call for the defense of democracy, the secular state, human rights and the observance of the free market ideology. All of these being principles contrary to the Islamo-Marxist ideas they espoused during their first twenty years of political activism. This text analyzes the period from 1980 to the present (2015). This allows us to consider the consequences of the direct armed confrontation and mutual demonization carried out between the Mojahedin-e Khalq-e Iran and the political elite of the Islamic Republic of Iran. These are conflicts affecting not only the internal policy of the Iranian regime but also its international relations and foreign policy in sensitive issues such as the promotion of the Iranian revolutionary model in the Middle East, the Iranian nuclear program and the issues related to the Green Movement.]]></p></abstract>
<kwd-group>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Articulación de intereses]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[lobby]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[supervivencia organizacional]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[marketing político]]></kwd>
<kwd lng="es"><![CDATA[Organización de los Mo&#1263;&#257;hed&#299;n-e Jalq-e Iran]]></kwd>
</kwd-group>
</article-meta>
</front><back>
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