Crafts and gender relations

The crafts are expressed in different branches of production: textiles, pottery, saddlery, basketry, carving, among others, and each of them with an endless number of variants. ^{Zapata and Suárez (2007)} analyzed that crafts play a multiple role, some are elaborated for the market and others to fulfill domestic needs. Those used for the market compete with industrial products or with production chains. ^{Hernández (2016)} argues that all the products we buy are cultural and also is its consumption, but in the marketing of handicrafts the origin is privileged, the fact that it has been made by someone from another culture other than the one who consumes it. The appropriation and mastery of native raw materials make artisanal products have their own community or regional identity, with particular forms and designs that distinguish them from others (^{Ortega, 2013}) and give them value.

In Mexico, crafts are a very important element and symbol for the country’s identity. They are emblematic of tradition and roots, generate culture, and occupy a predominant place in the productive activities of the Mexican people. Within them, the origins, customs and characteristics of a place can be reflected (^{Ortega, 2013}). As a productive branch, it is one of the most vulnerable and with minimum profitability rates (^{Manzano, 2001}), but in rural areas, especially indigenous ones, crafts are an important source of income, both for the economic amount they generate, and because it is one of the paid jobs that women perform.

Handicrafts in Mexico face problems and challenges to overcome. One of them is related to the trajectory that goes to reach final consumers, the purposes for which they were made and the type of market to which they arrive (^{Hernández, 2016}). According to ^{Texcahua (2010)}, the effects of globalization on craftsmanship are reflected in communications, trade and the workforce. In order to meet the challenges, they need initiatives and adaptability, renew their production processes and innovate designs. They have to compete with foreign products of lower quality, made in series and with a low cultural level that can be obtained at low prices, but without identity and cultural elements, such as Chinese products.

Another disadvantage is the intermediaries, who take advantage of the lack of distribution channels and are left with the highest profits. They take advantage of the forms of production and the fact that artisans do not give an economic value to their work. In addition to the geographical location, usually with rural roads without efficient communication channels that hinders the possibilities of diversifying their market (^{Juárez et al., 2013}) . Unfortunately for many artisans, a producer which is not selected by intermediaries, takes the risk of losing market spaces and reduce sales (^{Hernández et al., 2002}).

From a gender perspective, craftsmanship depends on the sexual division of labor, some of which are done by men, some by women, or both. When they are handicrafts for domestic use, it is likely to be made by women, but when it is intended for exchange, it is almost always attributed to a male specialist. The learning of boys and girls also depends on sex.

In rural areas, the artisanal work is often presented as predominantly female, as a flexible activity that can be coupled with the reproductive tasks of women: childcare, food preparation and other activities they perform on a daily basis. It is a form of production that hardly represents barriers for rural women, since it is based on the use of local materials, existing skills and accessible and economic technology (^{Eversole, 2006}). Therefore, handicraft is one of the non-agricultural activities that has been shown to be “predestined” for them and is often promoted as a strategy for rural development (^{Francke, 1996}; ^{Humphreys, 1999}).

Through crafts, women can benefit economically, as well as having the opportunity to train and improve their products, and it can also have an impact on health, education, gender relations and women’s rights (^{Eber and Rosenbaum, 1993}; ^{Page-Reeves, 1998}) . However, the gender difference in artisanal production can lead to inequalities in social participation, wealth and legitimacy, because power hierarchies of all kinds are established (^{Costin, 1996}). Therefore, the participation of women should not only be related to their traditional role in the domestic sphere, but also to the empowerment ideas and gender equity.

The study context

The study area was located in Tlaxcala, in the communities of Trinidad Tenexyecac of the Ixtacuixtla de Mariano Matamoros Municipality, San Estaban Tizatlán and San Sebastián Atlahapa. Given the difficulties of accessing the labor market, crafts represent an alternative economic activity. The craftsmanship in Tlaxcala has a long tradition, different types of pottery, textile and canes are made. This research focuses on the production of pottery and canes, an activity that men and women perform differentially.

Gender relations within the domestic group

According to the gender division of labor, women have traditionally been assigned the reproductive work (housework, food preparation, child care, etc); nevertheless, although they are increasingly incorporated into productive work, men rarely assume reproductive work as their own. In artisanal work, it happens in the same way, women are almost exclusively in charge of domestic work and the care of sons and daughters. They comment that they do not have time to rest, since their daily work days are very long, they even overlap some work with others, for example, while they make their crafts they are also cooking and taking care of their children, after fulfilling the daily tasks of the home, they join the workshop.

“We get up at five in the morning, we make breakfast and lunch so that it is ready at seven in the morning. It is an obligation for us to do our housework so that we can go to the workshop to help our husbands at nine. Preparing everything and getting the food ready [...]. I have several tasks to fulfill as any woman, as wife, as mother, which involves taking care of our home and children and preparing food. After marrying a potter I became an assistant to my spouse (Luisa Juárez, personal communication, 2016)”.

Women continue to see reproductive work as an obligation, with no possibility of changing their assigned gender roles. They do not question the roles, or that things could be different, and that the men could also collaborate with the work at home as they collaborate in the crafts elaboration. Also, the work done by the artisans is not usually considered work. In the local culture, the ideas of taking care of the progeny and performing housework are very much anchored, they are part of the “nature of the woman”, that is to say, it is considered an extension of the feminine identity. Rural women in Tlaxcala -by socio-cultural inheritance- are engaged in household chores, raising sons and daughters, and collaborating in the work of the husband’s agricultural production (^{Rivas, 2006}). Only one of the men interviewed said that he also performs household activities, when he does not work in the craft or while his wife works he does household chores.

“If it is necessary that we work for supplying the demands, she does it. I do other activities better, just like the cooking, because if I have hot hands I have to let one day pass at least, I can work the mud if I work the next day. After burning with the wood the next day I do not have to work I have to take care of the work of the house (Austraberto Sánchez, personal communication, 2016)”.

In the testimony of Austraberto, we can observe the organization and collaboration of the couple in both productive and reproductive work, however, there are very few cases where men get involved in the care of the house and children, which is an advance for equity in gender relations. The participation of Austraberto is a result of taking care of his health, because given the activity he does that produces heat in his body, he can not “perform” any other task until it cools. Despite the incipient participation of men, the work of women gets quadrupled: mother, domestic, producer and marketer.

“It is very tired, either early or at night I go to work and then I carry out the activities such that cooking, washing, cleaning. I do not have time to rest, I do not go out for a walk, I only have one hour a week when I go to pray the rosary of María (Luisa Juárez, personal communication, 2016)”.

“Most men do not participate in household chores, after working in the workshop, as can be seen in the testimony of José Martínez. The women are the following ones who must take care of the house activity, sons or daughters, we do not know that, we do not work that, we do not have time, it is a women’s thing (José Martínez, personal communication, 2016)”.

With respect to gender relations within the domestic groups, asymmetric relationships continue to be reproduced based on a patriarchal social organization, where women are responsible for reproductive activities and are increasingly incorporated into productive ones, while men are still maintained in the productive activities and only rarely participate in house activities and the care of the members of the family group. This type of organization is reflected in the production and marketing of craft products, as will be seen below.

Gender relations in the crafts production

Respondents and interviewees have in average 16 years making pots, burnished clay and canes. Those who reported the longest duration reported 49 years and those who declared less time indicated seven months. Of the family groups, 94% produce and sell pots, burnished clay and canes in their own workshop, 4% in their house and 2% work in a relative’s workshop.

The factors that determine the production are diverse, the quantity of pots or burnished clay that are elaborated per day depends on the size of the products, if the pieces are big (casseroles), they make four of them, of medium size and twelve of small size. This manufacturing is made only by family members, they do not hire external labor. The production can increase in the holiday periods (July-August) because the children also participate and/or do housework. In contrast, it is reduced in December-February because it is a period of cold weather that limits the drying processes. Those who work in production are: husbands or wives (88%), children (6%), grandchildren (2%) and nephews (2%).

The knowledge has been transmitted by parents, who in turn learned it from their grandparents. Also, some indicated that through the Probecat Project in education they received training. Other artisans learned through friendships.

“I have 20 years in the craft work, but I already knew since the age of 9 to 10 years, my mom worked that all the time and my grandparents. I learned it in my family because previously all the people wanted to do this work (Ocotlán, Morales, 2016)”.

“I learned it through resources from Probecat because my dad never let me do the piece, he just hurries it, grinds the mud and does the rest. Probecat has supported me in many things, from there I have had several designs (Bertina Pérez, personal communication, 2016)”.

“My children’s dad did not want to and he said he did not sell my products. I tried visiting a friend, I saw, I saw and learned the trade (Victoria Vásquez, personal communication, 2016)”.

The women think that immediately after completing the daily tasks of the household, they join the workshop when the husband has already advanced in the manufacture of the pieces, but he does not finish the manufacture, they are the ones who complete the process. On average they devote 8.5 hours a day to craftsmanship, minimum 6 and maximum 12 hours; that is, women use part of the night for their work or superpose one activity over another, that is, they perform several activities simultaneously. Despite their work, they continue to be considered only as “helpers”, and are not recognized as producers, which can be considered as an expression of gender oppression that is more multiplied among rural and indigenous women, who live in racist and discriminatory forms of treatment and are more disadvantaged, excluded and marginalized than the rest of women.

In pottery production, the division of labor is present. Men argue that there are some parts of the pot or casserole that they do not like to make, like the lugs. These are for women to make, since the work is more laborious, and requires patience, flexibility and ability to model the clay and place the handles. Men say that the thin female hands are suitable for the modeling of these parts and for the polishing of the same. While they make the body of the casserole, because it is heavier work, especially when making casseroles or large pots. This type of specialization based on gender, allows to recognize a differential participation within particular economic processes (^{Wiesheu, 2006}).

“I have to take care of the products, follow the steps of drying in the yard, when they receive sunlight, for each of the vessels, as the pieces during that stage begin to dry. I have to protect the vessels from the air and sun so they do not dry too fast (Adelina Servilla, personal communication, 2016)”.

The participation of women also depends on the community, because in some communities they participate more than in others. The potters women of Atlahapa, by tradition, are those who can perform this activity, while the men work in the agricultural backyards. In this locality they have to finish all steps of pottery, they also develop and share the know -how as a generational heritage. The clay dishes they make are used in the process of storing and transporting food and drink, especially drinking water.

“In Trinidad Tenexyecac, it is up to the male to specialize in this trade, while the women only convert and assume as “husband’s assistants” and continue to take charge of the domestic activities of the household as shown by the following testimony: Here we are a business family, the work is the effort of the man, the wives support us but in the less heavy issues or activities, they make the handles, the small pots and the drying process (Abdías Solana, personal communication, 2016)”.

This local rule may be modified in certain circumstances such as when women are single or widowed. In these cases, they work and market their vessels directly. For example, in one of the workshops, widowed or unmarried women produce and sell raw and half-potted vessels to make a little profit, while doing household chores and caring for their children. In these cases they alone have to take care of both productive and reproductive work, which increases and intensifies their daily work.

Reflecting on the work of men and women involves taking into account the social constructs and practices developed by the genders in relation to the craft. Activities and occupations, times of rest and fun, the roles played by the people in the society where they are inserted, are measured by gender differences and inequalities and are still moved by a patriarchal logic, which is directly involved in artisanal production.

Marketing of craft production

The commercialization forms in Trinidad Tenexyecac and San Sebastián Atlahapa of clay pots and vessels are basically through three circuits: a) by resorting to intermediaries; b) direct sale; and c) direct exchange for commodities (barter system). The first is to use local or regional mediators who have the economic capacity to buy a large part of the production of pots, in this way the artisans make their sale without having a stand or determined place. Through the intermediaries, the production is delivered in several regions of the country with great tourist influx and in other occasions the crafts are sold like exclusive pieces to art galleries and national museums. In the case of San Esteban Tizatlán, the production is offered through the third parties in tourist regions such as Acapulco, Guerrero and Jalapa, Veracruz.

“Some time ago there were more events, we were used to go out to sell the merchandise, there was no time to outmatch, because we were selling in Mexico, Guanajuato, Veracruz. Back in time there was more support from the Casa de las Artesanías. My daughter Catalina did not have a child, she dedicated herself to embroidering, she had her ten or twelve blouses to take to the event, at that time we were more busy, that’s when I got my husband and my daughter-in-law to help us produce more (Ocotlán Morales, personal communication, 2016)”.

The destinations where most of the casseroles and burnished clay handicrafts are offered are Mexico City (47%), Guerrero (21%), Veracruz (12%), Chiapas (7%), Puebla (6%) and others such as Oaxaca, Hidalgo, Guanajuato (7%). A high percentage of families sell their handicrafts to intermediaries. The drawback is that they are linked to the perennial decapitalization of production groups, and are tied to the intermediarism complex, which means control of production: prices are low, earnings are few and effort is exhaustive, and in this marketing chain who mostly lose are women, since they are absent from negotiations and deals.

In some cases potters reduce the cycle of artisanal production and deliver to the intermediary an unfinished product, “raw” or “half”, without burning. This implies that the intermediaries maintain the control of the production and commercialization. In some cases they finance production with credits, whether in money or inputs.

^{Zapata and Suárez (2007)} in their study have shown how intermediaries and hoarders form an intricate network of power and control relations that go from the community and transcend the limits of the community, which are not exempt from conflict and exploitation. In these networks, artisans are trapped by intermediaries who give them money in advance, sell raw materials on credit, and secure their purchase, although they are the ones who set the price.

A second form of commercialization is the sale through people in their own community, to obtain immediate income and avoid resorting to intermediaries or hoarders, because in the opinion of artisans, selling to these agents or wholesalers affects the profits they can get and lose control over production price. Men are the ones who usually sell the products, whether in the markets, to the intermediaries or from house to house. When women do it, they have to hand over the accounts, since the handling and control of money is male dominance. In contrast, women generally do not sell their products, but exchange them for other products essential for family survival.

Direct marketing faces several difficulties: 1) lack of transport to carry their products; 2) unfair competition, because in communities there are people who bargain away crafts to sell more, and even produce low- priced, high-lead content that are sold at lower prices, which disadvantage those who are most careful with production; lack of organization among artisans; 4) there is no presence of any type of organization that helps them to promote themselves as a craft group and to enlarge the market of their products at fair prices; and 5) lack of craft promotion. The municipal administration and “Casa de las Artesanías” occasionally invite them to participate in some fair or handicraft exhibition; however, they do not provide them with help to transport their products and pay their expenses (lodging and food) when they exhibit in another state or municipality.

The participation of women in the marketing process is different, they are mainly responsible for the exchange, through “barter”. In the market of San Martín Texmelucan, barter is an ancestral exchange system. In barter they usually exchange for food: cold meats, tortillas and seasonal fruits, from which women can cover some basic needs and ensure the subsistence of the family group.

“We do not have sales all the time, we need some things, so as I do not sell I have to exchange them. I exchange for what I need, what I need for the week (Petra Vásquez, personal communication, 2016)”.

The income does not satisfy the desires and needs of the producers. Most require working and earning more, but the number of orders they receive is limited, compared to the number of people involved in the production. On average weekly, a family group earns between 640 and 875 Mexican pesos. The minimum was 300 pesos and the maximum of 1 050 pesos. That means a daily average of 100 pesos if you consider the highest weekly income, insufficient amount for the support of a family. In the case of the producers of Tizatlán and Atlahapa, they asserted that the number of orders had declined, and blamed the competition that now exists for cheaper plastic products from China.

Back in time people used burnished earthenware vessels to keep water cool and now they use refrigerators. Society also prefers industrialized products because of its wide availability, price and resistance. The artisans interviewed reported that by 1970, they only used crockery or other clay utensils made by themselves or by their colleagues. This clash between modernity and capitalism was used by artisans to adapt their manufacture to the market for utilitarian goods, but decorated as customers demanded. This process involved profound productive, technical and aesthetic changes.

Also, the timing of payments and risk should be considered as a result of irregular orders. In the case of the Trinidad group, they stated that up to one month may pass between the distribution of the product and the payment. This affects them economically because they have to invest in raw materials, food, and so on. That is why some interviewees prefer piecework, because they do not have to invest in many materials and receive payment when they deliver the products, thus reducing the risk.

Reflecting on the commercialization of handicrafts implies taking into account social constructions and gender practices. The ways in which products are traded or exchanged speaks of unequal relationships between women and men, since while men sell products and can make decisions about the economic resources generated, women are more concerned with meeting basic needs so they resort to barter of goods in order to obtain some commodities.