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Agrociencia

versión On-line ISSN 2521-9766versión impresa ISSN 1405-3195

Agrociencia vol.50 no.4 Texcoco may./jun. 2016

 

Socioeconomics

Benefits of the parcellation of communal rangelands of the ejido "El Castañón", municipality Fourteen, San Luis Potosí, Mexico: 1993-2013

Luis O. Negrete-Sánchez1  * 

Juan R. Aguirre-Rivera1 

Juan M. Pinos-Rodríguez1 

Humberto Reyes-Hernández1 

1 Programas Multidisciplinarios de Posgrado en Ciencias Ambientales, Universidad Autónoma de San Luis Potosí (UASLP). Avenida Manual Nava #201, Zona Universitaria, 78290. San Luis Potosí, México. (jaibabrava1926@hotmail.com) (iizd@uaslp.mx) (jpinos@uaslp.mx) (hreyes@uaslp.mx).


Abstract:

Most of the communal rangeland of the Mexican highlands are under a desertification process due to animal overgrazing because of unrestricted exploitation with personal benefit. The goal of this study was to document, based on a survey, the process and current results of the parceling of the common use pastures of the "ejido" "El Castañón y Anexos", in the Catorce municipality, San Luis Potosí, México, the only ejido in the San Luis Potosí highlands that has taken advantage of a constitutional reform to the article 27, in order to certify and legally entitle the livestock parcels, this endogenous initiative was carried out in spite of resistance and lack of government approvement, that allowed each and every "ejidatario" to decide how to use its resources. In this research we documented how the parcellation of common paddocks was decided and the level of satisfaction of the ejidatarios after 20 years of private management. Even though there are cases of abuse of the rangelands, other ejidatarios improved the conditions of its livestock parcels, to the extent of negotiating the entry of foreign livestock to avoid death by starvation during recent drought. Almost all ejidatarios acknowledge the rise in production and livestock stocktaking and improvement in their rangeland as a result of parceling. The sense of ownership of the land has led to care and proper handling of the livestock parcels and has generated the option of leasing as an economic activity that was impossible under the communal regime. The current contrast between the Castañon rangelands and the nearby ones is evident, because of that various ejidos of the region are already attempting to replicate this process in their communal areas.

Key words: Tenure; conservation; usufruct; deterioration; rights of grazing; endogenous initiatives

Resumen:

La mayoría de los agostaderos comunales de la Altiplanicie Mexicana se encuentran en proceso de desertización por la sobrecarga animal resultante de su aprovechamiento irrestricto con beneficio individual. El objetivo de este estudio fue documentar con base en una encuesta, el proceso y los resultados actuales de la parcelación de los potreros de uso común del ejido "El Castañón y Anexos", en el municipio de Catorce, San Luis Potosí, México, único ejido en el Altiplano Potosino que ha aprovechado la reforma del artículo 27 constitucional para certificar y titular sus parcelas ganaderas, iniciativa endógena realizada a pesar de la resistencia y falta de apoyo oficial, que permitió a cada ejidatario decidir cómo aprovechar sus recursos. En esta investigación se documenta cómo se decidió y realizó el reparto de los potreros comunales, y cual ha sido el grado de satisfacción de los ejidatarios tras 20 años de administrar sus agostaderos en forma privada. Aunque existen casos de abuso del agostadero, otros ejidatarios mejoraron la condición de sus parcelas ganaderas, al grado de negociar el acceso de ganado ajeno para evitar su muerte por inanición durante la sequía más reciente. Casi la totalidad de los ejidatarios de Castañón reconoce el aumento en la producción y en los inventarios ganaderos, y una mejora en la condición de sus agostaderos, como resultado de la parcelación. El sentido de pertenencia de la tierra ha provocado el cuidado y manejo adecuado de las parcelas ganaderas y ha generado la opción de arrendamiento, una actividad económica imposible bajo el régimen de uso comunal. El contraste actual entre los agostaderos de Castañón y los de ejidos aledaños es evidente, por lo que diversos ejidos de la región tienen ya la intención de replicar este proceso en sus áreas de uso común.

Palabras clave: Tenencia; conservación; usufructo; deterioro; derechos de pastoreo; iniciativas endógenas

Introduction

With exception of the areas covered with rainforest, crops, bare soil, rock, ice, concrete or desert, the most of the land cover can be classified as rangeland, which include in scrubs, sub-humid forests and all natural "zacatales". They are areas with poor crop productivity due to physical and inadequate limitations for cultivation, but can sustain livestock and wildlife (Holechek et al., 2011); thereby, its main contribution in the most of Africa, Asia and Latin America is forage for livestock.

Worldwide, more than 50 % of the land area is used as rangeland (Holechek et al., 2011); it is remarkable that the same proportion is in the state San Luis Potosí, Mexico. The pasturage, as well as other human activities, generates changes in vegetation (Lasanta, 2010). The pasturage lands are a natural renewable resource when used in a rational way can be productive and environmentally usable indefinitely. However, the increasing abuse of the pasturage land in the Potosino highlands is very evident, and the livestock death rate during droughts is their only chance of recovery. In consequence, the unacquainted process of desertification is generalized and with it the potential of organic production is gradual and irreversible reduced (INE, 1994).

In México are three modalities of citizen ownership of the land, private property, the "ejido" usufruct, and ejido communal; the last two have been protect by the State (social sector) (González, 2005). The ejido term derived from the Latin word exitus, which means "exit", and refers to the common land usufruct of the people environment. The same author refers that in various historical stages of Mexico, the tenancy of the land went from communal property to private property, to the coexistence of both, then the excessive concentration of private property in hands of a few, and finally to the coexistence of the private property, and the usufruct and communal ejido. This author also mentions that since the nineties last century, Mexico lived a commercial openness process involving economic, political and legal adjustments. In the initiative reforms to the Article 27 of the Constitution on 7 November 1991, decreed on January 6, 1992, the ecological problem of the Mexican countryside was taken into account, and the soil erosion by technical poor conservation and use, pollution, depletion of aquifers, and the lack of competitiveness and profitability of the forestry with minimal economic benefits for owners of forests was considered as worrying. According to Lewis (2002), the amendment to Article 27 of the Constitution was to modernize the ejido, since the lack of certainty in the ownership of the land and the small size of individual parcels limited progress and economic efficiency, and so the right of "ejidatarios" to rent, sell or mortgage the land is guaranteed.

In social property, livestock of all owners is fed on forage of the common use pastures and generally, the number of individual animals is limited only by the amount of areas that each subject with right can have (Cruz and Aguirre, 1992). If the ejidos and agrarian communities have no limit for animal stocking in the rangeland and if the principal way to take advantage of this resource are the animals, generate the belief that if more livestock is owned greater wealth and social influence is achieved; this trend is known as livestock prestige, and it doesn't matter that the animals do not produce neither milk nor offspring (Aguirre et al. 1995). This problem occurred more than 120 years ago in the free rangeland of USA (Hardin, 1968). This phenomenon is the result of a fundamental contradiction between the communal land tenure, and its utilization based on resources and private benefits (Cruz and Aguirre, 1992). Even, a large part of the remittances sent by emigrants to the USA is invested in the purchase of livestock and in its maintenance during droughts, which reduces their mortality and possibility of discharge temporary in the communal rangeland. This problem was recognized by Fernandez and Fernandez (1971), who pointed out that the individual and free use of the pastures and mountains should be in the past, and suggested (without infringing on the model) the establishment of rigid rules, so that in the summer pastures are allowed to only graze with adequate animal stocking, use fences for pastures and perform rotations, through collective investments under a single criterion of administration.

The present tenure of the land in the country is governed by the Agrarian Law of February 26, 1992, reformed on 9 July 1993. With regard to the ejidos, and in accordance with its article 23, "It is within the exclusive competence of the Assembly, the delimitation, allocation and destination the use of common lands as well as its harnessing regime." The Article 56 stipulates that "The Assembly of each ejido may determine the destination of the lands that are not formally parceled, effect the parcelling of these, or recognize the economic parceling or, regularizing the tenure of the landholders or those who lack the appropriate certificates". As a result, the Assembly may convert them to human settlement, common usage or "parcelarlas" in favor of the ejidos. In any case, based on the general plane of the ejido that has been prepared by the competent authority or that developed by the National Agrarian Registry (Ley Agraria, 1992).

In the ejidos and agrarian communities the exploitation of the communal rangeland is mainly performed through livestock grazing. However, the lack of rules in the agrarian law for such utilization has caused what could be the main environmental problem of the country; severe and generalized overgrazing of the communal rangeland leads to a desertification, the sharp decrease of the animal productivity and the ejection of a growing population toward urban areas and even to foreign countries looking for a better life (Cruz and Aguirre, 1992).

The ejido "The Castañón and Anexos" emerged the February 13, 1946 when the first endowment of land (9300 ha), taken from the ranch Sierra Hermosa, was authorized. Then, on August 16, 1960 an extension was granted (6000 ha) which affected again the ranch, during the same year the landowners established their own perimeter fencing to prevent the widespread transfer and livestock losses (RAN, 2013). In 1993 the ejidatarios began a preliminary distribution, measured by themselves, and each proceeded to encircle and divide their individual paddock (J. Coronado, personal communication)[1]. The September 17, 1996 the ejidal assembly approved the delimitation, destination, allocation and certification of ejido land rights. Then there were 62 landowners and nine landholders, and the National Agrarian Registry (RAN) defined 13 514.2146 ha as common lands, surpluses from the allocation and titling of land and open cultivation plots (RAN, 2013). In 2000 they hired a private office for the accurate measurement of the plots and generate internal plan of the ejido, which was registered with the RAN to issue property land titles. With this they complemented and assigned individual plots of 222 ha, but six landowners who received only 111 ha for refusing to participate in community work (J. Coronado, personal communication)[1]. In the internal rules of procedure was established to leave 12 m between plots as right to passage, which was discarded because it reduced the usable land and doubled the expense on fences, but agreed to use existing roads, and that each ejidatario shut the doors that where crossed to reach its plot (J. Coronado, personal communication)[1].

This ejido is the only one in the Potosino highlands that has taken advantage of the reform of article 27 of the Constitution to distribute and holder their lands in common use. The degree of solar and plots of work presented no problem, but the government agents were reluctant to do the same in the rangeland. The value is that the fragmentation of the rangeland was made despite the resistance and lack of official support, namely, was a endogenous initiative, and allowed each ejidatario could decide what to do or how to leverage their resource. Thereon, Lesorogol (2005) notes the scarcity of empirical information about the effects of privatization of communal grazing land. Therefore, it was considered important to document this process that led to the compartmentalization of the common use areas, and at the same time know their main effects and the degree of satisfaction of the ejidatarios, after 20 years of managing their paddocks in privately.

Materials and Methods

Study area

According to the thematic maps of INEGI (2001), the physical and biotic description is as follow: the ejido "The Castañón y Anexos" is located northwest of the town of Catorce, San Luis Potosi, Mexico. The main settlements are ejido Charco Largo and Castañón. The first is located at 101° 12' W and 23° 51' N, at an altitude of 1920 m; the second at 101° 16 'W and 23° 49' N, at an altitude of 1994 m. Physiographically, the ejido is located in the Provincia Mesa del Centro, Sierra y Lomerios de Aldama y Rio Grande subprovince. The geological substrate is formed by custlers form the tertiary and quaternary periods. According to the drainage surface location is located in the Salado hydrological region, and the underground hydrology presents an average permeability units composed of unconsolidated material. Its dominant soil is calcium xerosol and the secondary is haplic, of medium structure, petrocalcic and burdensome in phases. The climate is classified as BS0kw''(e), that is, dry warm with an average annual temperature between 12 and 18 °C, the average temperature of the coldest month between 3 and 18 °C, wet summer, winter precipitation rate greater than 10.2 mm, and hot summer. The annual rainfall (weather station Santa María del Refugio) from 1951 to 2010 was 300.1 mm (CNA, 2013). The vegetation types are mainly Microphyllous desert scrubland and, to a lesser extent, Desert shrubland rosetophilous.

Survey on the rangeland management and the degree of actual satisfaction

A questionnaire was designed to interview only the ejido members in charge of livestock parcels, based on those used in similar studies (Osorio, 1974; Bolaños, 1996[2]). Efforts were made to ensure that the questions will generate information on the problems observed during the previous tours in the area of study, and the perceived in conversations and interviews with the ejidal main actors, about the process of parceling since its conception. The project was presented to the ejido Assembly on the June 2, 2013, we obtained permission to do it between December 2013 and February 2014 and the ejiditarios of the localities Charco Largo, Castanón, Santa María del Refugio, Los Pames, Tanque Colorado and Santa Isabel were interviewed. In total, 41 questionnaires were applied to an equal number to the ejidatarios that manage 58 of the 62 existing livestock parcels. Those in charge of the remaining plots were left out of the interviews for refusing to be interviewed.

For the analysis and interpretation of the data generated by the survey was designed a database in Excel® 2007. The information collected through the survey is summarized and presented in tables and references in the results and discussion.

Estimating stocking

The corresponding calculation for livestock of different age and function was based on equivalents to the standard animal unit (AU) proposed by Vallentine (1965) and Alba (1971), and for other livestock species equivalences used in AU the US Department of Agriculture, cataloged for payment of grazing rights in Arizona (Arizona Agricultural Statistics, 2001).

Results and Discussion

The interviews were conducted with 41 ejidatarios responsible for 58 of the 62 plots (with a total surface area of 12 826 ha); 32 ejidatarios (78 %) harness individually 36 parcels totaling 7942 ha (61.9 % of the total field); four of them manage more than a plot since they belong to absent or deceased relatives. The remaining nine (22 %) lead the group of 22 plots (4884 ha, or 38.1 % of the total area); these groups are formed by two, three and up to four ejidatarios, in all cases these are integrated by relatives who asked to be grouped on neighboring parcels. The preference was for the individual work and the grouping occurred with minimal risks of conflict, by working familiarly even before the parceling. Therefrom, it feels like the ejido acquired prestige and strengthened as an organization of management to the government agencies.

Attachment to land and current degree of satisfaction

Almost all the interviewed ejidatarios are in conformity with their status as farmers and feel comfortable with the way and standard of living; only one of 41 said he would have liked to have been born elsewhere and make different activities instead of farming. None believes that owning ejido lands forced him to live in this place and deprived of better employment opportunities, income and lifestyle. Expressed overall satisfaction is quite remarkable and could be related to the history of the ejido, particularly with the personal characteristics of their leaders and other members to recognize their problems and provide solutions, which earn them a satisfactory welfare. This disagrees with the findings of Finkler (1974) in the arid Mezquital Valley in Hidalgo, where there was a strong temporal Mexico City emigration, and he attributed it to the dryness of the land, the lack of innovative production processes and marketing. Fernandez and Fernandez (1971) mentions that the main problem in the ejidos of croplands is that each member was provided with a small parcel surrounded by other similar parcels, without the possibility to make transactions with them. The same author notes that if the ejidatario worker is a bad workman or has vices, will remain there, without thrive by the conditions of the land and a bad working environment. However, these conditions do not occur in Castañón.

What happened in Castañón agrees partially with that recorded by Lewis (2002) in the Yaqui Valley in Sonora, where the economic and legal reforms in combination with the features of this agricultural region, resulted in a better use of the land of the ejidos, due to that the ejidatarios rentiers can dedicate to other activities, while the tenants produce with effectiveness. In "The Castañón y Anexos", after 20 years of managing their livestock parcels as private property, 91.4 % of those interviewed believed that the condition of their grazing lands improved. In contrast, 8.6 % believes the opposite; these include an ejidatario that reduced its herd of 100 to 45 cattle and other did so 70 to 30, because they could no longer take advantage of all the communal rangeland and livestock and overlord its livestock parcel, but the third ejidatario increased its herd of 10 to 30 cattle. Another reason given for the degree of satisfaction with the parcellation is the increase in production of their herd; thus, 81.8 % of those who raise cattle (n= 33) consider that its production increase; this same appreciation is shown by 53.8 % of those who also graze goats (n= 13) and sheep (n= 5, 40.0 %); in contrast, those who maintain equines (n= 28, 85.7 %) considered that its production remained the same.

Satisfaction with the division also related to increased availability of forage in pastures. Thus, 26.8 % of respondents ejidatarios negotiated access of foreign cattle to their parcel, six ejidatarios without livestock rented their land to ejidatarios of the same and other ejidos, even to small landowners neighboring Castañón; 90.9 % of those who did, received a small remuneration and 63.6 % of applicants for such access were producers from outside of Castañón. This differs from that recorded by Lewis (2002) in Sonora, where 70 % of ejido parcels are rented, and of these, up to 96 % to private producers. The remaining 30 landowners graze their own livestock and are not interested in negotiating with their surplus forage. The increase in the amount of forage contrasts with the findings of Cruz and Aguirre (1992) in the communal rangelands in Tiltepec, Oaxaca, whose utilization is exclusive to the villagers and 90 % of the farmers interviewed had noticed impoverishment of forage species preferred by sheep and goats. It also differs from that recorded in Cameros, Spain, by Lasanta (2009), who points out that the shortage of fodder, forcing farmers to buy almost 50 % of the food consumed by their herds.

The obvious benefits of the parceling has already attracted interest from other ejidatarios of the municipality of Catorce, from other municipalities of the state, and the state of Zacatecas, particularly by the apparent improvement in the condition of the rangeland, in such a way that they want to promote this process in its ejidos. Thereon, there were 31 allusions to the intention of other ejido members to promote a similar segmentation, particularly in the Tanque de Arenas and Santa María del Refugio ejidos, both adjacent to Castañón. The latter has already started to search for agencies for delimitation and measurement surfaces to parcel the common use areas. In addition, there were eight cases of ejidos in other municipalities of San Luis Potosi and two more in an ejido of the Mazapil municipality, state of Zacatecas (Table 1).

Table 1 Castañón knowledge about the intention of other ejidos, of dividing their rangelands (into parcels) under common use. 

n=15 ejidatarios. A same ejidatario could mention more than one ejido.

Current knowledge about the ejido origin and the parceling of the areas of common use

Nowadays still survive two participants ejidatarios in the creation of the ejido, but only one remember in which year happened and what the affected property was. The elapsed time since the ejidos do was set up in 1946, explain the general ignorance of the origin and the lack of interest of new generations of landowners to know its history. Regarding the process of fragmentation, all said they supported the decision to parcel out, certify, and titling of common areas, 83.9 % admit to know the main actors in this ejido process, 36.6 % of the institutions supported this initiative, and only 7.9 % know those which opposed it. At the same time, all they opted for full ownership of your "solar", crop parcel and pasture parcel, none exchanged their land and only one sold part of their land to another ejido members. Thereof, this contradicts assumptions about the disintegration of the ejidos and the sale and land grabs resulting from parceling and individual titling (Lesorogol, 2005; Aguirre, 2012). As Lesorogol (2005) points out, the results of privatization of communal grazing lands are empirical questions that require more research instead of jumping to any conclusions derived from any given theory.

Animal husbandry

The 94.3 % (33 of 35) of the ejidatarios breed mostly cattle and only two breed goats exclusively. Table 2 presents the number of cattle in 1993 and 2013, as well as those other species in 2013. The herd of cattle was reduced by 186 between 1993 and 2013, of which 117 belonged to individual ejidatarios, and 69 to grouped. In the other species include goats, of which almost 82 % belong to individual ejidatarios (Table 2). The majority of the ejidatarios also has animals for pulling and load (equines) and for sale or home occasional consumption (rams and goats).

Table 2 Livestock inventory according to utilization of the parcels, in parcels of grasslands of the ejido Castañón and Annexos (Catorce, SLP). 

n = 35 responsible ejidatarios for 58 livestock parcels. As the 1993 data are generic and in order to make them comparable with the 2013, these are not expressed in AU.

The freedom to decide the use the livestock parcel in Castañón contrasts with that recorded by Jameson et al. (1984) in the ejido Noria de Guadeloupe, Zacatecas, where only the wealthier families can graze its cattle in areas with higher forage potential (scrub and halophyte zacatal), and the access is not granted to other landowners. The families with fewer economic resources, that is, with minimal herds, only can graze his goats near the village in impoverished scrub dominated by "Gobernadora" Larrea tridentata (DC.) Coville and Hojasén Flourensia cernua DC., and so on the social scale within the ejido limits the possibilities of using resources to which everyone has equal rights.

Initial and current cattle herds

As in most of the ejidos in dry and sub-humid regions, few ejidatarios had most of the ejidal herd, whereas many lacked or had few animals (Aguirre, 1982, 2012; Jameson et al., 1984). Those who possessed many, lack of or had little livestock, were the main opponents of the parcelling of the ejido, because the first had more than 13 000 ha, although shared and deteriorated, and since then they would have to adjust with only 222 ha. Those who have nothing and those who have a few livestock did not understand the benefit of having an exclusive cattle parcel for them, but they were easily persuaded by explaining them that they might increase their herd or rent their land and earn income that was not previously received. In 20 years, 17 ejidatarios reduced the size of their herds between 6 to 68 cattle, and the other 13 increased between 3 and 60 cattle. But there were three ejidatarios that did not change the size of their herds during that period.

Among the reasons given to change or maintain the size or composition of their herds from the subdivision of the parcels, the most frequent (14.4 %) was of those who start increased it to have better control of their paddocks, although the drought from 2010 to 2013 forced them to reduce it through the timely sale of livestock to download their paddocks, or primarily by mortality. The second important change among those without prior increment had to reduce their herds by drought (13.4 %). In contrast, five ejidos that operate on an individual basis (14.3 %) increased gradually the size of their herds, as initially only had 2 to 20 cattle, and in 2013 had herds with 18 to 60. Of the remaining three (8.6 %), one pointed out that his herd decreased by disease and drought, another because its parcel did not have the capacity to keep all their cattle, and the latter reduced by drought and overload. In Tiltepec, Oaxaca, without restriction of use of the communal rangeland, 60 % of the "comuneros" interviewed increase the size of their herds, but those who did not, identified as major causes insufficient grazing area, limited availability of forage and the frequent need to sell animals to meet various economic needs (Cruz and Aguirre, 1992). Similar explanations of comuneros were recorded by Contreras et al. (2003) in Yanhuitlán, Oaxaca.

Bovine exploitation

The predominant economic activity is in the ejido livestock paddock, particularly cattle, because the ecological constraints that characterize rangeland in the region. The main production system is cow-calf (Callejas et al., 2014), which is a permanent breeding herd for delivering calves to sell when they are weaned, and part of the milk is collected to make fresh cheese, whose main markets are the municipalities of Matehuala and Vanegas, SLP, the town Estación de Catorce and the metropolitan area of Monterrey, Nuevo León. Of the ejidatarios that dedicated mainly to grazing cattle (n= 33), 31 produce meat and milk, and two produce only calves for sale at weaning. Among the first, the cows are milked partially during four months, and then all the milk is for the calf until six or seven months old, when they are weaned. Most weaned calves are sold in the county seat of Vanegas. This dual purpose system of production is similar to "rejeguería" utilized by small and medium farmers in the Southeast. The dual purpose grazing cows are milked by hand and with the support of the calf, which is allowed milk from a nipple and to use all the remaining milk in other nipples. This proximity with calves and their mothers allows unrestricted selection and obtain the best heifers for replacements, which is difficult in the specialized systems of meat or milk productions. The advantage is available daily milk for consumption and sale daily (fresh) or weekly (cheese), which helps cover everyday expenses till the biannual sale of calves (Osorio, 1996; Manjarrez et al., 2007; Vilaboa et al., 2009).

Herd composition

The herd overall of the ejido in 2013 had 74.3 % of breeding cows, 3.1 % bulls, 11.8 % growing bulls or heifers, and 10.8 % calves, which is similar to that reported by Holechek (1992) for ranches of medium size (250 AU) in New Mexico, between 1986 and 1991: 76 % of breeding cows, 6.5 % stallions, and 16.5 % for replacement heifers. In Castañon, the size of the individual herds ranged from 2 to 80, with an average of 23.6 cattle and in the ejido there are 520 cows, of which 428 are dual-purpose, 91 are from herds for production of weaned calves, and only one for milk production. The growing bulls or heifers (92) of the ejido are intended mainly for the replacement of players; the 152 offspring (between males and females) are for sale at weaning or for replacement of breeders. The 17 bulls in Castañon would be sufficient in accordance with the relationship considered optimal by de Alba (1985), from 20 to 30 cows per bull; however, many have a surplus rate in their herds, whereas others request breeding service by rent or loan. The highest frequencies (18.2 %) were for ratios of 10 and 16 cows per bull; with two mentions, ratios of 3, 6, 7, 9, 11, 17, 20 and 25 cows per bull. Even with the cow mortality caused by the most recent drought, there is an excess of bulls in many individual herds, which is uneconomical. This situation contrasts with the rangeland of Chihuahua, where the herds have 40 cows on average, a relationship cows/bull 40:1 (Callejas et al., 2014), greater than the highest recorded in Castañon, although deficient in accordance with the recommended (de Alba, 1985).

The ejidatarios are making efforts to improve their livestock, since 83.9 % of the herd is a mestizo of any European breed with creole cattle, 6.4 % are animals of any race, and 9.7 % is creole cattle valued due to its rusticity. This differs from the ejido ixtlero of San José de la Joya, Coahuila, where there are about 100 cattle crossed with Holstein, Beefmaster and occasionally Cebu breeds (Torres et al., 2008). In Castañon there is no improved breeds of dual purpose, but highlights the management capacity of the ejido for the acquisition of bulls with government subsidies.

Stocking rate

The stocking rate (cattle grazing in a certain area), must be expressed in terms of AU ha-1; the carrying capacity of a rangeland is the necessary area to support a AU in a productive and persistent manner for an indefinitely time (Holechek et al., 2011). The average stocking rate was slightly higher (5 %) in the grouped plots, but in most cases individual parcels overload occurred (Table 3). Cruz and Aguirre (1992) found in the communal rangelands of Tiltepec, Oaxaca, a ratio of 0.26 AU ha-1, which, according to the Technical Advisory Committee for Regional Determination of Coefficients of Rangeland (COTECOCA, 1980) was three to five times higher than the recommended. In the same region (Yanhuitlán, Oaxaca) with the same tenure and use, the stocking rates were 8.7 higher than the recommended (Contreras et al., 2003). Sheep farming in communal areas of southern Tunisia stocking is 0.05 to 0.14 AU ha-1, the load capacity is 0.03 AU ha-1 to 0.04 AU ha-1, that is, an overload of 67 % to 350 %, which occurs in areas close to population centers, while other less accessible are underused (Hanafi and Jauffret, 2008).

Table 3 Stocking (AU) and surface (ha) in livestock plots of the ejido Castañón and Annexas, Catorce, SLP (year 2013). 

AU animal unit. n = 35 livestock ejidatarios responsible for 58 plots.

Ortega et al. (2008) point out that the coefficients of rangeland (indirect estimates of the load capacity) for the six types of shrub of Chihuahua vary from 13.5 to 60 ha AU-1 (COTECOCA, 1979), whereas for the corresponding rangelands for scrub Helpless Parvifolio for the Altiplano Potosino in excellent condition, the coefficient assigned is 21.15 ha AU-1 (COTECOCA, 1974). Thus, the current average loads of Castañón rangeland can be considered moderate, but there are landowners with abusive loads in its parcels and suffered the consequences of the recent drought. The persistence of this trend in personal parcels seems a remnant of the dominant behavior in the community use of rangelands (Pinos et al., 2013).

Length of mating period

In Castañón, mating period is two months for 63.6 % of cases, 90 d for 9.1 %, and 15.2 % for four months. Three landowners mantain a bull with cows in periods other than those mentioned, and one ejidatario did not answer, so in Castañón controlled mating period is quite adequate and contrasts with the complete lack of breeding herds in the majority of the ejidos. The most frequent mating periods on the ejido take place between April and September. The control of mating allows to adjust herd breeding to forage availability, which for cattle is closely linked to the phenology of grasses (Carpenter, 1998).

Reproductive efficiency and productivity

The main indicators of the efficiency of breeding and production of cattle on rangelands are the percentage of births from the total of cows with a bull and the performance (live weight ha 1) of weaned calves, respectively. Out of 399 cows exposed to matings in 2012, only 278 gave birth (69.7 %), a rate considered to be moderate to good according to the classification proposed by de Alba (1985) for beef cattle after puberty. It is also similar to that found by Callejas et al. (2014) in herds of 20, 50, 200 and 500 breeding cows in four regions of Chihuahua, where the average of births was 71.0 %. In 2013 ended a period of more than two year of very low precipitation and forage production. Of the 278 calving cows only 180 (45.1 % of cows mated to a bull) weaned their calf, a proportion considered poor by the standards proposed by de Alba (1985) for losses between birth and puberty. The calf crop was identical to that recorded in rangelands of New Mexico (USDA, 1936) and lower than that later found in the same region (75 % Holechek et al., 1991; 62 %, Winder et al., 2000). According to Holechek et al. (2011), the calf crop in the western US rangelands decreased 50 to 60 %. In Castañón breeding efficiency, i.e. the proportion of cows who weaned a calf, with respect to the total of cows, was 64.7 %. An important part of the calves loss in Castañón was due to the drought between 2010 and 2013, which reduced very much forage availability and agreed with that reported by de Alba (1985) about large variations in calves losses after the perinatal period until weaning, due to climatic and nutritional conditions.

Livestock technology

From the surveyed ejidatarios 69.7 % received government or private technical assistance to manage their cattle in the past five years, a 100 % provided minerals, 54.5 % gave a supplement with purchased feed and 63.6 % used chicken manure, poultry manure, urea or molasses as a concentrated supplement. This indicates that there are favorable conditions for further modernization with the adequate technical assistance, along with effective implementation of government programs to promote productivity in Castañón. In contrast, no ejidatario carried out assisted reproduction practices, probably for its higher costs and technical requirements. Out of the ejidatarios producing cattle (n = 33), 97 % used worming products and vaccines in their cattle for the blackleg (Clostridium chauvoei Blackleg); the health practice with lowest proportion (almost 70 %) was the antiparasitic bathroom. This contrasts with the results of Lopez et al. (1981) who compared ejido and private goat farms, regarding the immunization against endemic diseases as it is performed only in the latter. In almost 85 % of cattle herds, there was livestock death during 2012; in 53.6 % of these cases the cause was a shortage of forage due to the drought, another 24.9 % was starvation by the drought combined with other factors, 10.7 % attributed to undiagnosed disease, labour dystocia and predators, 7.1 % to blackleg and 3.6 % to bloat. The above indicates that a significant number of the ejidatarios had herd loads beyond the capacity of their pasture, and the mortality attributed to the drought was the logical consequence of the abuse of the rangelands. In contrast, 33.3 % of the producers kept their animals even with the drought, and also allowed access to cattle of other ejidatarios and other nearby ejidos, to avoid starvation.

Livestock infrastructure

A rangeland set-up involves having water holes, fences, management pens and roads, and other facilities (Holechek et al., 2011). All the ejidatarios dedicated to breeding and animal management (n = 35), have water holes in their farming plots, 94.3 % with mineral licks, 97.1 % have internal fences for grazing rotation and 82.9 % had other equipment or installation, either shared or individually. During the parceling process, there was consensus among the ejidatarios to establish at least one earth dam (to dam surface runoffs) or watering hole in each livestock plot, which cost was covered by each ejidatario, and were simultaneously made in order to lower their costs. For all ejidatarios with individual plots, this earth dam is the main water source of their livestock.

Almost 87 % of the ejidatarios said that the amount of available water for their animals during the year is insufficient; of these, nearly 84 % of them carry their supply from the Santa Maria del Refugio dam, located 11 km from Castañón, or worse, from Estación Catorce, located 41 km away. Castañón is listed by the San Luis Potosi State Government (SEDARH) and the Rural Development District 128, SAGARPA, as a production unit suffering from water scarcity (V. Sánchez, personal communication[3]; S. Espinoza, personal communication[4]). Because of that, in 2012 through the Transversal Project for Arid Zones Development (PRODEZA), a dam was built and an underground water distribution system was installed to complement the existing earth dams in each parcel.

In the ejido there are 79 salt licks, mostly made out of recycled material, like used tires or half cut liquids containers. These movable salt licks help to improve the grazing distribution and reduce sacrifice areas (Gillen et al., 1984). In the rangeland of the ejido there are 112 divisions, almost twice of that generated by the parcelling. Thanks to the ejido organization, various government programs favored them with materials for dividing fences, which explains the number of pastures today. The usefulness of appropriate rangeland clearance and load control was demonstrated by Price (1948) in rangelands of a ranch in New Mexico, where the increase in the number of pastures, water holes and salt licks, with only a third of the original stocking, doubled the rates of birth and weaning weights of calves in 22 years. As well as obtaining the highest annual amount of commercial lives weight per hectare. To this regard, Hart et al. (1993) and Bailey et al. (1996) found that, by reducing the paddocks size and the distance to water, the forage utilization improved and grazing uniformity increased.

Almost 86 % of the ejidatarios supplemented feed for their cattle during the dry season in the recent five years using nopal Opuntia spp., "maguey" Agave salmiana Otto ex Salm-Dyck, "mesquite" Prosopis laevigata (Humb. & Bonpl. Ex Willd.) MC Johnst., "cardenche" Cylindropuntia imbricata (Haw.) FM Knuth, "izote" Yucca filifera Chabaud or any other forage resource that grows in its grazing lands, which was steadily performed during the mentioned drought. Even in the most rational way of harvesting these forage resources, noticeable differences are evident regarding those ejidos without rangeland parcellation.

Forage crops

According to local SEDARH and SAGARPA agents, the ejidatarios at Castañón need to integrate their farm parcells to livestock practices to improve their results with the cattle and reduce the lack of fodder risks, without considering that it is more important for them to produce corn and beans for self-consumption in their runoff receiving plots (Gallegos et al., 1991; Charcas et al., 2010). Although it is possible to produce dry feed crops in both rainfed agricultural cycles, the hay or silage process is unknown at the ejido. Two thirds of the ejidatarios sow fodder crops to provide them green to their animals; from these, nearly 70 % said corn and oats were their main crops. Meanwhile, those who do not produce forage crops argued that these crops produce little in those conditions. At the same time, 63 % of the ejidatarios mentioned that having grazed their fallow fields, 94.3 % said they gathered agricultural wastes such as straw and stubble to feed their animals, and almost 69 % collects manure from their livestock concentration areas to apply it in the agricultural parcel in order to improve soil fertility. Thus, the area of cultivation and pasture are themselves closely related. At Tiltepec, Oaxaca, from April to May, 50 % of the villagers gave supplement to their cattle and sheep: wheat, millet, bean straw, corn stover, corn cobs, alfalfa, corn and chopped squash in their plots, though the available amount of these supplements did not cover all their needs (Cruz and Aguirre, 1992).

Development and conservation of rangelands practices

The ejido is naturally unproductive, therefore costly investments are impractical, but there are several low-cost practices to restore or increase production, apart from the main one being the livestock reduction. In this regard, the ejido received official funding, mainly for restocking nopal and maguey and terracing, to reduce runoff and increase infiltration and soil retention. After the parcellation, 97 % of the 35 ejidatarios repopulated grazing livestock forage plants, especially maguey and nopal, made no controlled burning of vegetation, and only 11.4 % fought undesirable plants, as greasewood, "tasajillo" Opuntia leptocaulis DC., "dragon's blood", Jatropha dioica Sessé ex Carv and "gatuño" Mimosa biuncifera Benth. The recent drought caused the landowners recognized the need to reduce its effects, like having a stocks of forage produced in their work parcells or remnant in their rangelands. Likewise, they are also more aware of how the whole production system may collapse, so most of them pay more attention to the carrying capacity of their rangeland, to the permitted grazing intensity, the pasture rotation and control of undesirable species.

Castañón is listed as a pilot ejido by various government programs and its internal organization makes it easier to obtain financial support from all three government levels, yet the ejidatarios believe these programs only benefit the official instances, because the from the received subsidy, most payments goes to for services to their animals, such is the case of the PROGAN. The official agents remark that the financial support should be allocated to higher technology improvements, such as mobile electrified fences.

Conclutions

The distribution of the communal rangelands in the ejido "El Castañón and Anexos" allowed improving its usage and generating higher profits than in other ejidos. The control of rangeland is better because each ejidatario have certainty regard the availability of resources and, in most cases, landowners perceive that the production and their herds size increased since the parcellation, because it improved their pastures conditions.

Six ejidatarios kept few cattle, much less than the carrying capacity of their land, in order to receive income for renting them to other producers, a nonexistent benefit to them under communal use. The ejido husbandry is characterized by the prevalence of a dual purpose, selling calves at weaning and fresh cheese production.

The water limitations and means to intensify production are solved by improving the management capacity of the ejido to government agencies. Because its results and benefits, the division of the common use areas is attracting interest in other ejidos in the region.

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Received: November 2014; Accepted: September 2015

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