Psychosocial Proximity and Involvement in Drug Activity

For young people, proximity and familiarity with drug trafficking are elements that facilitate involvement. This proximity is built in everyday life through interaction with family, friends and by maintaining contact with people who engage in activities associated with organized crime (^{Moreno & Flores, 2015}). The conditions and context in which young people are situated are also relevant. Irene, during the interview, recounted that she started participating in drug trafficking in her teens by helping her family plant, harvest, and clean marijuana. For her, these activities were “just another job” that allowed her to have “her own money” and made it easier for her to continue with her studies. For the young woman, this work is a legitimate means “to survive” in the Sierra de Badiraguato:

It has a lot to do with the family environment. Because if you, from a young age, see that your father is involved in it, your brothers do it, you may not do it yourself, but it is what you see, it is what they teach you. They don’t teach you anything else (Irene, personal communication, May 27, 2019).

From the same context, Mariela highlighted the few job opportunities as a reason for her involvement:

[They join] because of the need to survive, I think. I mean, to say “I have to succeed, no matter what”. Because, to be honest, for example, where I come from [Badiraguato], you either live off of that or you starve, because there is nothing else (Mariela, personal communication, May 24, 2019).

These experiences coincide with other research whose results highlight that economic conditions, lack of job opportunities and absence of support from the State favor the entry and participation in drug trafficking (^{Almanza et al., 2018}; ^{Gómez & Almanza, 2021}). On the other hand, the cited excerpts highlight that Mariela and Irene participated in drug trafficking because of their family’s teachings, care and consent. Their activities were punctual and for short periods of time. However, their families advised them to “focus on studying” and “get ahead”. These are young women who were gradually introduced to the activity, under the protection of a male member of their family, which is related to gender constructions in the distribution and assignment of tasks associated with drug trafficking (^{Valdez, 2018}) .

In contrast, for Julián the father figure served as a role model. For him, joining drug trafficking was a “logical path to follow.” In his teens he was fully aware of his father’s activities.

There was a time when my dad worked in a newspaper. We lived humbly. Then he started working with a padrino [godfather drug trafficker] and that’s where he prospered. It became more of a business. He would go from one city to another (...) Closing deals (...) So, it’s not like I wanted to get into it, but it’s like you don’t have another choice. Either you do things right or you stay here. You can’t be against it, because in the end (...) almost everything has come from that (Julián, personal communication, June 3, 2019).

Julián took advantage of his father’s experience and position to drop out of school, seek financial independence and enroll in aviation school to become a pilot. His goal was to move drugs without putting himself at risk in other activities. In this case, the family served as a setting to shape values, roles, and practices that allow continuity in activities related to drug trafficking (Valenzuela ^{Reyes et al., 2017}). ^{Fernández Velázquez (2018, p. 99)} points out that family dynamics unite and strengthen common principles “when it comes to life around an activity stigmatized by illegality.”

Drug trafficking has permeated daily life and youth groups (^{Rincón, 2013}). In addition to family, friendships are a means that facilitates the invitation and incorporation into drug trafficking. In Roberto’s experience:

[I joined] when I was 14 years old because a friend invited me to work with him. I helped him wash the small planes. We only went on Saturdays, we washed between three and five planes, cleaning them inside and out, and well, I was always drawn to them. On the first day we went, my friend’s uncle took us for a ride, and I was very excited. I had never been so excited before. I tell you, small planes have always caught my eye (Roberto, personal communication, January 10, 2018).

Roberto was attending middle school and worked with the aim of earning extra income to support his family. From that contact he informally learned how to fly planes until he became a pilot.

Valeria also joined drug trafficking through a friend. She started working at a currency exchange office. Later on, she worked for a group of drug traffickers to whom she exchanged dollars for local currency and received substantial tips for this activity:

I got in because of a friend I’d known since middle school. I needed work and well, one day she asked me if I wanted to work at what she did. I already knew what she did, but that day she explained it to me fully, and well, I said yes. Truthfully, it wasn’t really complicated. One day she told me, she explained it to me, the next day I was already working and even getting paid (Valeria, personal communication, March 17, 2018).

For ^{Chacón (2016)} entry into drug trafficking occurs from precariousness, social vulnerability and marginalization. Faced with such conditions, young people decide to put their physical integrity at risk to serve someone of higher rank. Thus, drug trafficking becomes the school of death in which a pedagogy of violence is taught, rules, values and principles are incorporated and roles are adopted that ensure the functionality of the activity (^{Almonacid, 2022}). According to ^{Valdez (2018)}, friendships provide a sense of belonging for young people, they provide identity elements and socialization codes that strengthen their social relationships and favor the dynamics within drug trafficking.

Drug trafficking provides not only economic power but also recognition and prestige (^{Nateras Domínguez, 2016a}). Alex joined drug trafficking during high school “to experience it firsthand,” to “show off, have money and power.” He used the money he earned to go out with his friends and women. It was important to “prove” that he could buy expensive products, “show off” and be recognized among his friends. The following excerpts serve as an example:

Most of those who are joining lately, which are many (...) It’s because they want to show off or they want to have money. Or show that it is easy for them. Power, more than anything, is what foolish plebes⁶ like nowadays (…) Because I have a friend that joined and he is rich, but he wanted power, he wanted respect. He wanted the intimidation that comes from being armed, being ‘empecherado’⁷ (Alex, personal communication, May 6, 2019).

The truth is that I always wanted that, to be recognized, respected like those of the corridos. That people recognize me and say, “that dude is bien cabrón (such a badass)” and I think that so far I have succeeded. My friends and family respect me. They know that I’m not afraid and that I am capable of doing anything, especially for them. And if one day the catrina (death) takes me, well, fine, but they will remember me as the badass that I am, and with that I have no complaints (Rodrigo, personal communication, February 9, 2018).

The previous fragments highlight social constructions associated with situated masculinities (^{Córdova & Hernández, 2016}) in which power, virility, bravery and male domination are important (^{Urrecha et al., 2021}; ^{Valdez, 2018}). In addition, the desire for distinction and social legitimation of drug trafficking is made visible (^{Córdova, 2005}; ^{Ovalle, 2010b}; ^{Reyes et al., 2017}).As ^{Moreno et al. (2016, p. 257)} point out, consumption represents “a symbolic struggle that seeks to ‘make an impression’, ‘make believe’ and ‘inspire respect or trust’. Thus, clothing and consumption are social practices in which the economic power of drug trafficking world is made visible”. In the same way, access to ostentatious consumption reflects social ascent and becomes a motivation that justifies joining drug trafficking (^{Almanza et al., 2018}; ^{Gómez & Almanza, 2021}).

In other experiences, joining is not voluntary. In areas marked by vulnerability, illegality and economic, social and structural inequalities, the forced recruitment of young people by criminal organizations is made possible (^{Rivera, 2022}; ^{Valenzuela Arce, 2019}). The appropriation of individuals is a legitimate act of juvenile murder by drug cartels. Rodrigo, in his adolescence, was recruited as a hawk⁸ and drug dealer:

They recruited me when I was in middle school. I lived in a neighborhood on the outskirts of Mazatlán. We would get together every afternoon to play baseball in the street. One afternoon the hitmen came to offer us to work with them and we said no. They left but the next day they came back, and this time they didn’t ask, they ordered us, and if we didn’t agree, they were going to kill us and our families. That’s how they threatened us and well, there’s no way you can refuse (Rodrigo, personal communication, February 9, 2018).

Permanence and Professional Development

In the narrative of young people, drug trafficking is configured as a way to develop professionally. For ^{Ovalle (2010a)} activities related to drug trafficking have the acceptance and legitimacy of broad social sectors. In this way, different tasks are conceived as an “occupation” or “economic activity” insofar as they require experience and work in exchange for remuneration.

Daniel joined drug trafficking while doing his university studies in chemistry. For him, the economic compensation of drug trafficking doubles the income that can be obtained in a formal job:

Finding a place where I earn what I earn here is very difficult. I tried to get into a medical laboratory, but the pay was very low for all the work we had to do. They exploit you and pay you very poorly. So, if I’m doing what I like here and I’m doing very well, why would I leave? (Daniel, personal communication, January 25, 2018).

As ^{Ovalle (2010a)} suggests, drug trafficking incorporates professionalization and specialized knowledge to enhance its market. According to the narrative of the interviewees, there are few job opportunities for professionals and precarious work and low wages prevail. In this context, being part of criminal organizations is a viable project where young people can develop professionally and labor-wise. This is described in the following experiences:

Well, look, [my husband] worked as a store manager, and well, we didn’t lack anything, but we couldn’t go on vacation, we couldn’t buy ourselves clothes, we had many restrictions, and the truth is that’s not life. It doesn’t make sense to just watch others do well while you’re struggling. Although I wasn’t doing badly, I worked almost twelve hours a day and with my salary, I could live, but just barely. Here I’m pretty much doing the same thing I did in my previous job [as an accountant]. But here, I work half the time and get paid three times as much. No way I’m leaving (Valeria, personal communication, March 17, 2018).

I am not leaving because, well, this is what gave me the opportunity of being a pilot, which is what I love the most (...) And to be honest, in this country, under the conditions in which I grew up, if it weren’t for the organization, I would have never gotten on a plane, not even as a passenger (Roberto, personal communication, January 10, 2018).

Some young people, by conceiving drug trafficking as a “economic activity”, they minimize the risk. They start by carrying out activities that are not classified as a crime by the Penal Code. Rubí’s experience serves as an example:

I have a friend who got out and right now is doing fine, nothing has happened to her. But I don’t leave because I really don’t want to, I’m very comfortable here. Yes, I know it’s illegal, but it’s my source of income. Besides, I have never killed anyone. I just do what I have to do and that’s it (Rubí, personal communication, April 8, 2018).

However, as they continue and gain confidence, they might carry out other activities that, although more profitable, also involve more risks (^{Valdez, 2018}).

Risks and Consequences

Young people, when joining the drug trafficking, evaluate the dangers and possible consequences. The evaluation of the risks is compensated by the benefits, the economic gains, the recognition and the prestige of belonging to criminal organizations. This is how Julian put it:

First of all, the risk is that you can lose a lot. You risk almost everything, such as your assets, family relationships. There are several risks, but one knows the risks one takes. And it’s like a game, you know what you’re betting on and what you’re not. You are gambling. You can win, you can lose. You can win, like, I am in harvesting, if I have a good harvest this season and I get good quality, I gain respect, I can win opportunities to get ahead, to do something bigger, with more support and with the support of the people (Julián, personal communication, June 3, 2019).

For Sergio, originally from Badiraguato, involved since childhood in the production of marijuana and poppies, drug trafficking is a “game” where death is a constant risk. In some cases, this risk is offset by a lifestyle of enjoyment and “living on the edge”. See the following testimonials:

When you get into this business, you already know what can happen to you. You know that one day you are alive and the next day you may be buried. That’s why you have to live life to the fullest, treat yourself, always being happy with your loved ones, because you don’t know if you’ll be here tomorrow. That’s just how this game is, there’s nothing else, and I decided to play it (...) Both my family and I are aware of this. As I mentioned, this is how this game is played (...) When I die I want them to put a picture of me on my tombstone and on my cross, so that when they come to visit me they see me and remember me, remember how good I was to everyone (Sergio, personal communication, January 19, 2018).

The day they smoke me,⁹ I already told my loved ones that I don’t want them crying over me. I want them to celebrate me, to have a three-day party, with beer, a band and carne asada. And that they build a house where I’m buried so that when they can come to visit they are all happy there with me. I’ll always be waiting for them there, with joy, just as I did when I was alive, that is how I want them to remember me (Rodrigo, personal communication, February 9, 2018).

Youth in criminal organizations are the first to be sent to kill their rivals or die in confrontations (^{Valenzuela Arce, 2015}, ²⁰²¹). For ^{Valencia (2010)} it is a commodification of death where it is administered to “human subjects” belonging to the proletariat, located in marginalization; young people who make out of violence “a way of life, work, socialization and culture” (^{Valencia, 2010, p. 93}).

It should be noted that not all young people necessarily become targets of violence and death. The risks and dangers vary based on the activities they perform: while for some may be getting caught, having the plane they are traveling in crash or having their merchandise stolen, for others it is kidnapping, disappearance, torture, killing, or dying in a dispute between rivals. This is how Julian narrated it:

The war begins and we start going to get people who have been shot or go deliver weapons. Once, I bought the newspaper (...) I was already seeing that so-and-so was arrested and a van pulled up with a group of cholos,¹⁰ it was to fight, well, all of them were going to die and weren’t coming back. And I saw them like that, a lot of people, not one of them ever came back (...) We took them to be killed, well, or to kill, because we already knew there was a war (...) They would go to the peni¹¹ and break out prisoners and we would take them there and they would come and do¹² them there (Julián, personal communication, June 3, 2019).

Future Plans

Drug trafficking allows young people to make short, medium and long term plans, either inside or outside the organization. In some interviews, participation in drug trafficking was referred to as a “transitory activity” that allows them to study, work, save, invest, and create lawful businesses. From Mariela’s experience:

There are some young people who are very open-minded who do see themselves doing something else. Right now I’ve heard that young people no longer want to stay there [in the mountains]. They strive to finish school to come back and look for other opportunities (...) I’ve heard that many people, even entire families come. Entire families that say “this isn’t working anymore” [drug trafficking]. So, they come to find another way to live, another job (Mariela, personal communication, May 24, 2019).

For David, studying for a Bachelor’s degree represents a viable project that allows him to distance himself from risky activities:

I don’t expect anything from the degree, but I do expect something from myself. I hope I can succeed and that (...) it’s something I really like, because I like land. But I hope I like [some of the] science they teach there (...) I want to make a tomato, pineapple, and chili greenhouse, that’s what I’d like, it’s really what I hope to learn (Daniel, personal communication, January 25, 2018).

On the other hand, there are young people who project their future by staying in drug trafficking; they seek to carry out the same or other activities in which they started and move up in the structure of the organization. See the following testimony:

I am interested in doing it, harvesting medicinally, because there are two types of harvesting across the border,¹³ medicinal and recreational (...) When you do it medicinally, everything you harvest is for yourself, you can’t sell it, but since you can harvest everything for yourself, you have more. You have more and better-quality product without losing profits. So you don’t have to sell everything you have (...) because you have people who are in charge of distributing it and you already have more profits (...) Legalization is something that I’m also looking forward to. As long as it’s illegal right now, well, you have to keep doing it, because you can’t wait (Julián, personal communication, June 3, 2019).

I know people who live day to day. How can I explain it? They are working right now, and say, well “maybe tomorrow they shut it down,¹⁴ and I won’t have anything to do anymore.” So, I don’t see them having future projects (Mariela, personal communication, May 24, 2019).

The last testimony refers to the non-future (^{Esparza, 2020}) that occurs in the weakest link where young people are used, exploited, and precariously employed (^{Almonacid, 2022}) and do not have plans beyond the immediate present.