Introduction

Journalist ^{Jon Brodkin (2014)} of the magazine Ars Technica recently published a story regarding the digital divide in America. In the narrative, he listed the top ten cities in the country with low digital connectivity. At the top of that list, holding the first place, as the least connected city in America, was the US-Mexico border city of Laredo, Texas. The source on the list is a study conducted by Bill Callahan, Director of Connect Your Community 2.0, who stated that Laredo has 40.2% of households lacking internet access at home. He assembled his list using 2013 census data which documented that in Laredo out of the 65 685 households, 26 376 are not connected to the digital world (^{United States Census Bureau, 2013}).

This low percentage of internet connectivity at home indicated that further research is needed to understand this digital disparity in the borderlands. The purpose of this study is to document the cultural and social barriers that are preventing Laredoans from accessing the digital world. In order to obtain a well-rounded sense of the situation, authors decided to distinguish those walls across generations to understand in great detail the technological dynamics between each age group. This multigenerational approach focus on identifying the cultural and social barriers that are preventing the senior, middle age, and young generations from accessing computers as well as home internet service, hoping to create a bridge to close the gap between non-digital citizens and digital citizens. This investigation assesses the technological involvement of 48 family members of different generations in order to recognize their digital connectivity preferences as well as to determine the barriers that each generation is experiencing.

The relationship between individuals and technology is multifaceted. Therefore, it should be evaluated from different perspectives in order to fully understand this dynamic. The theoretical framework used in this study is ^{Straubhaar, Tufekci, Spence & Rojas’s (2012)} concepts of techno-field (relates to the infrastructure that provides access to internet connectivity and access to the digital devices that connect to the internet such as the computer), techno-disposition (relates to the individual’s positive, neutral, or negative attitudes toward technology), and techno-capital (relates to the technological knowledge that individuals possess to confidently operate digital devices). The present investigation examines the interplay between techno-field, techno-disposition, and techno-capital among residents of Laredo to serve as a case-study sample of how different generations access, perceive, and operate digital technology.

Typically, digital divide studies have documented the level of internet connectivity or lack of connectivity (^{Davison & Cotten, 2010}; ^{Goswami, 2008}; ^{Jackson, Fitzgerald, Eye, Zhao, & Witt, 2010}; ^{Strover, 2001}; ^{Dijk, 2006}; ^{Warf, 2010}; ^{Warschauer, 2004}; ^{Weinstein & Clower, 1994}; ^{Wirth, 2006}) and access to a computer on a particular population or city (^{Dijk, 2005}; ^{DiMaggio, Hargittai, Coral, & Shafer, 2004}; ^{Hacker & Steiner, 2002}; ^{La Pastina & Quick, 2004}; ^{Malecki, 2003}; ^{Mertens & D'Haenens, 2010}; ^{Pedrozo, 2013}). However, this research analyzes the digital divide question from a different perspective: the social and cultural approach of different generations within the same family focusing on how they interact with technology. ^{Dijk (2005)} observes, the physical access to a computer is increasing and at the same time the internet connectivity gap is getting smaller among the population that there is a new type of barrier related to technology use. That is, there is now a line dividing those individuals who do know how to integrate technology for their own benefit and those persons who do not know how to gain benefits from using technology. In short, this innovative split must be examined in order to understand the phenomenon. One solution to this new problematic could be to assess the social and cultural aspects of technological practices.

In addition, ^{Lentz (2000)} argues that technology connectivity is only one aspect of the digital divide problematic. She believes that the digital disparity is a direct consequence of each individual’s personal history, such as family trajectory, schooling, work opportunities, and geographic location. To Lentz, daily life circumstances play an important role in determining whether or not those individuals are motivated to use digital technologies. The present investigation continues ^{Dijk (2005)} and Lentz views but looking a different population.

This study focuses on identifying the type of technological culture that border families have toward the use of digital equipment such as computers, cell phones, iPods, iPads, internet, e-mail, and search engines, among others, to determine what are the favorite technological devices as well as internet services that Laredo families prefer to use in their daily activities. Each city in America has developed its own and unique town culture that embraces or rejects technology. This paper will recognize the culture of technology in Laredo concentrating on the types of positive and negative conditions that are generating the digital divide situation in this city.

Literature Review

The relationship between people and technology is dynamic and complex. This investigation focuses on the examination of the interplay between digital technology and the Texas border society. The present study examines the digital inequality through the lens of Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of field, habitus, and capital (^{Bourdieu, 1980}). All three concepts depend on each other and they are in constant interaction with each other. The presence of all three interrelated concepts is essential in order to understand the social transformation. Bourdieu used those concepts to understand, measure, and document social transformation. It is worth explaining each one of those concepts further. Bourdieu defines field as the context situation surrounding the interplay dynamics among the different forms of capital (^{Bourdieu, 1980}). In a particular field, people operate as social agents interchanging diverse practices in order to maintain, increase, or decrease capital. Individuals, through the course of their lives, interact in a variety of fields displaying the different types of capital that they have accumulated through the years such as education, economic resources, and social connections (^{Bourdieu, 1980}). The next concept, habitus, is expressed as a set of rules of action and objectives to achieve within a particular field (^{Bourdieu, 1980}). Those rules of action generate similar practices among members of the same group at the individual and community levels (^{Bourdieu, 1993}).

The last concept is capital. Bourdieu describes that each individual possesses three types of capital: economic, cultural, and social among other forms of capital. Economic capital is the ability to accumulate monetary means and the level of accessibility to money (^{Bourdieu, 1985}). Cultural capital means knowledge acquired through the years from family traditions and schooling, which shape individuals’ inclinations to consume a particular set of cultural products (^{Bourdieu, 1985}). Social capital is a system of social relations that, over time, develop into social resources that individuals could use to reaffirm their class identity, expand their work relations, and socialize, permitting the expansion of their cultural as well as their economic capital (^{Bourdieu, 1985}). From Bourdieu’s perspective, cultural capital can be transformed into economic capital, and social capital can be transformed into cultural and economic capital (^{Bourdieu, 1985}). Furthermore, the combination of social capital and cultural capital could potentially lead to social mobility. Recently, ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} used Bourdieu’s concepts of field, habitus, and capital to explain the social and cultural dimension of the digital divide in Texas, specifically in Austin. The state capital is also known as a “technopolis”, meaning “a city whose economy focuses on recent technological developments and industries” (^{Straubhaar et al., 2012, p. 2}). The city leaders’ major emphasis on technology could eventually leave some groups of the population out of this innovative economic system due to a lack of access to technology (not having access to a computer and the internet) or for lacking motivation to incorporate those digital tools into their lives.

Based on Bourdieu’s work to comprehend individuals’ attitudes, perceptions, and knowledge, ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} developed three concepts: techno-field, techno-disposition, and techno-capital to document the digital divide phenomenon. That is, each of Bourdieu’s key concepts-field, habitus, and capital-were modified to explain the particular relationship between technology and people. Therefore, each of the new terms begins with the word techno. The careful examination of all three interrelated concepts together provides a comprehensive representation of the relationship between technology and society. ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} push the envelope forward from the traditional digital divide examination that focuses on the physical access to a computer and the connectivity structures by geographic location to the internet service into the incorporation of the study of cultural and social aspects directly associated with the digital inequity.

Techno-field is used to describe “a site, or structured space, where struggles over media access are enacted by appropriating resources” (^{Straubhaar et al., 2012, p. 8}). Techno-field refers to the individual’s ability to access and navigate the digital world by having access to the internet service as well as access to a computer, which is the primary digital tool that permits individuals to navigate the internet: “The techno-field is analyzed as an arena where human agency is enacted in relation to other social forces-political, economic, social, cultural, and so forth” (^{Straubhaar et al., 2012, p. 9}). The term techno-field further refers to that societal, financial, governmental, and artistic institution that creates a particular context and exercises influence on an individual’s life.

Techno-disposition is the concept that ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} brought into the technological access and awareness discussion. They argue that manifestations of this concept can be easily identified in common social practices such as the family’s history of technology as well as the individual’s personal experience, thus technology focusing on how each family member perceives (positive, neutral, negative) technology. Other techno-disposition indicators that ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} suggest are education, technology awareness, desire for information, work requirements, geographical location, and community relations. “People’s disposition to technologies, or techno-dispositions, interact in a reciprocal and complex relationship with techno-capital … Both techno-disposition and techno-capital operate within a specific techno-field of human endeavor” (^{Straubhaar et al., 2012, p. 8}).

Furthermore, ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} argue that those individuals who perceive technology in a positive light will be more likely to spend time embracing technology. However, those individuals who hold a negative perception about technology spend limited time and energy on topics regarding technology. They claim that “techno-capital is a product of techno-disposition” (^{Straubhaar et al., 2012, p. 9}). The term techno-capital refers to the level of knowledge that an individual possesses regarding digital equipment. If an individual has low technological capital, that person will not be comfortable using it and incorporating digital devices into their daily routines. However, if a person has high technological capital, that person will be very comfortable using it and all types of digital tools will be part of that individual’s everyday life. “Techno-capital is a specific form of cultural capital encompassing the acquired knowledge and skills to use information technologies in ways that are considered personally empowering or useful” ^{(Straubhaar et al., 2012, p. 8)} . That is, the more knowledge an individual has on how to operate technological tools such as computers, iPods, tablets, and smartphones, among others, the higher the level of empowerment that person will have about using it. In addition, ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} described social capital as neighborhood interactions, family ties and history, and perceived social mobility, among others. Furthermore, to ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012)} economic capital refers to income and occupation, among others.

This innovative intellectual approach to digital inequality research was tested by ^{Rojas et al. (2012)} in Austin, Texas. They conducted a longitudinal comparative case study over a 10-year period. The team interviewed 50 individuals of working class minorities, mainly African Americans and Hispanics, who reside in the east sector of the city. According to ^{Rojas, Straubhaar, Fuentes-Bautista & Piñon (2009)}, in their first wave of interviews from 1999, the researchers concentrated their efforts on high school minority students as well as their parents. They found that gender, class, and ethnicity played a role in the techno-disposition attitudes toward technology. The parents lacked access to media outlets during their youth, but when interviewed, they had cell phones, radio, and television, among other things. Nevertheless, parents reflected a positive attitude towards technology, recognizing its importance in their children’s future. In addition, those parents recognized that technology provided their children with access to pornography. According to ^{Rojas et al. (2009)}, their children were tech savvy, had a wider use of media outlets, and their main use was entertainment. Also, through social capital, teenagers raised their level of interest for computers and the internet. Kids considered computer classes at school to be tedious because its primary focus was on developing keyboarding skills. Teens believed that the internet is an efficient digital instrument for research, shopping, emailing, and watching television programs.

The second wave of interviews was conducted ten years later (2009) with college students. Another generation was included to document a multigenerational approach, allowing digital trends within families to be determined. According to ^{Rojas et al. (2012)}, the results indicated an intense communication between family members using a variety of digital technological tools-cell phone, text, e-mail. Grandparents and parents transmitted their expectation to succeed in life through upward social mobility achieved with education. The study documented an interesting flow of cultural capital from youngest to senior members. Parents (and grandchildren) were purchasing a variety of technological devices for their parents (and grandparents) as well as teaching them how to use them. In addition, ^{Rojas et al. (2012)} observed the different use of the same digital device, the cell phone. Grandparents and parents used the cell phone to make-receive calls. However, grandchildren had a broader habit of using their cell phones for multiple functions such as calling, texting, emailing, and photographing, among others. Furthermore, computer use among parents was mainly for work purposes, and for their children, it was school and work related. The main news source for the youngest generation was the internet.

On a separate study, ^{Rojas et al. (2009)} interviewed 28 individuals who were working-class Latino adults living in Austin, Texas, about their interaction with technology. They implemented a multi-method approach, conducting in-depth interviews several times with the same individuals to determine their social, economic, cultural capital. The researchers found that education and English language expertise were the main driving factors in this group. The results indicated that individual’s economic and cultural capital marked their incentive to use technology. The outcomes also showed that 50% of respondents stated owning and using computers and internet at home mostly for communication (e-mail) purposes, to seek information (news), and for entertainment. Furthermore, 11% of participants indicated that they did not have a computer at home, but used the internet at work, in the public library, and at restaurants that offer Wi-Fi services. In addition, the authors determined two main factors preventing Latinos from accessing the internet: low educational level (incomplete high school or junior high) and religious beliefs. Respondents believed that the internet has the risk of exposing them to pornography.

Regarding the digital divide examination in the US-Mexico borderlands, ^{La Pastina & Quick (2004)} conducted research in south Texas, in the area known as “Rio Grande Valley.” This geographic area consists of four counties (Starr, Hidalgo Willacy, and Cameron) from Roma to Brownsville. Qualitative as well as quantitative methodologies were implemented in their study. The researchers collected data from a convenient sample using two instruments: face-to-face interviews in community centers located in Colonias and a survey distributed in community centers, libraries, and workforce offices. The total number of participants was 239 individuals from 18 to 74 years old, the majority with low education level and earning less than $20k a year. The outcomes indicated that 54% of participants used the computer for work purposes, other uses were 27% leisure, and 20% to access the internet. Regarding the specific function that the internet provides to border residents, the results determined that their primary purpose is to 37% search for information, 23% education, 21% entertainment, and 20% communication. In addition, the results documented that residents prefer to communicate face to face over traditional mass media (telephones, magazines, newspaper, and television) and new media (e-mail, internet). Respondents paid more attention to information retrieved from family and friends than from traditional and new media outlets. Nevertheless, television is significant in satisfying their entertainment needs. The respondents were skeptical about information received via e-mail because of fear of receiving viruses and scams.

The present research paper continues the examination of the digital divide on the US/Mexico border by focusing on Laredo. This investigation expands the digital divide examination area by incorporating the next largest border city located north of the Rio Grande Valley. The purpose is to determine the social and cultural barriers that are preventing Laredoans from entering the digital world. This paper uses the key concepts of techno-disposition, techno-field, and techno-capital as the intellectual foundation for the analysis. There are three research questions guiding this investigation: (1) How do the 1^st, 2^nd, and 3^rd generations of Laredo families relate to their own family as well as individual’s positive or negative attitudes toward technology in their daily lives? (2) How do the 1^st, 2^nd, and 3^rd generations of Laredo families perceive the importance of technological knowledge that individuals possess to confidently operate digital devices in their daily lives? (3) How do the 1^st, 2^nd, and 3^rd generations of Laredo families relate to the infrastructure that provides access to internet connectivity and access to the digital devices that connect to the internet in their daily lives? The digital barriers identified in previous studies were: preconception of particular gender roles, predetermined ethnicity role perceptions, low educational level, low income, lack of digital literacy, lack of English-language proficiency, lack of content in other language (Spanish), religious beliefs, and preference to communicate face to face. This paper is testing whether or not those barriers are present in Laredo, and if the digital walls in Laredo are different from the ones already identified in other parts of Texas. The methodology section is presented next.

Methodology

A qualitative methodology was used to gather scientific data concerning the use of digital technology in Laredo. The Texas A&M International University Institutional Review Board approved this research protocol (#20120919) as well as the questionnaire used to gather the data. The one-on-one in-depth personal interview was the main instrument used to document the digital inequality. All interviewers received special training on human subjects from the Collaborative Institutional Training Initiative program. In addition, the second author of this paper-trained student-interviewers.

The sample consisted of 16 families that voluntarily consented to participate in this study. There was no monetary compensation for the participants. The interviewer informed each contributor that their conversation was about his/her particular use of several digital tools. Every interviewee gave his or her consent prior to beginning the conversation. In addition, they had the right to withdraw from this study at any point in the conversation. In order to keep their confidentiality, participants were asked to select a pen name. Due to the particular characteristics of our geographical location at the US/Mexico border and the constant social dynamic with Mexico, some participants could be Mexican citizens living in the US or recent immigrants.

In order to ensure representation from the entire community, families who reside in each of the eight City of Laredo council districts were invited to participate. Laredo’s Council District Boundaries map created by the Office of Geographic Information Systems was used as the reference point to delimit each council sector. When this study was conducted, the Mayor was Raúl González Salinas and the City Council members were Mike Garza (District 1), Esteban Rangel (District 2), Alejandro Perez, Jr. (District 3), Juan Narvaez (District 4), Roque Vela (District 5), Charlie San Miguel (District 6), Jorge Vera (District 7), and Cindy Liendo (District 8). The home address of the senior member of each family was used to determine the entire family’s district representation, two families represented each district.

The purpose of this study is to determine the cultural and social barriers that are preventing Laredoans from becoming digital citizens. In order to document the technological dynamics in great detail authors decided to follow a multigenerational approach where three generations of the same family were invited to participate.

Authors identified the “third generation” as all individuals over the age of 18 but under 35 (young). The “second generation” was designated from 36 to 55 (middle age), and the “first generation” from 56 and above (senior). In this case, this multigenerational technique was applied in Laredo to determine the technological adaptation process of 48 residents (44% female, 56% male) who participated in this study.

The questionnaire used was an adaptation from the original instrument developed in 1999 by Rojas, Straubhaar, Spence, Roychowdhury, Okur, Piñon, and Fuentes-Bautista. The questionnaire deployed in Laredo took about 30 minutes per participant, and consisted of five sections. The first section was the “Consent Form” where participants were informed about the purpose of the study, confidentiality protocol, and voluntary participation. This section ended by asking participants if she/he would like to take part in this study. If the response was positive, the interviewer continued with the remaining four sections. However, if the answer was negative, the interviewer would thank the person and stop the interview at that moment. The second section, “Demographic Information”, generated overall data about the subjects’ demographic characteristics such as age, race, gender, education, and years of residency in the city, among other things.

The third section, Techno-Capital, inquired about the knowledge that each participant had about technology. For example, questions regarding computer operation, software, search engines, e-mail use, etc. The fourth section, Techno-Field, focused on the type of connectivity access to the digital world that each participant had such as inquiries about the subject’s access to the internet, modem, Wi-Fi service, public access, private access, connection speed, etc. The last section, Techno-Disposition, examined the subject’s attitudes toward technology innovations focusing on the perception that participants had about the role of technology in their lives. For instance, questions were asked about their perception of the use of computers and the internet at work, at social gatherings, at school, and so on. This innovative border survey was first tested in all three generations of two families. Then, the instrument was applied to gather the data of 16 families. The results are presented in the next section.

Results

The authors would like to begin the cultural and social barriers discussion by presenting general demographic information about the participants. All of them claimed to be Hispanic, more precisely Mexican-American. Each respondent was classified in a particular group according to their chronological age. Some of the life experiences that participants felt most proud of were to have a united and supportive family, parents still together, being able to raise smart and well-mannered children, pursue a university education, to be a hard-working individual, to be able to acculturate into the American lifestyle. Respondents pointed out that the most important lesson that they have learned from their family was to be patient, to love, to work hard, to believe in oneself, to be close to family members, manners, respect, education, and never give up no matter what.

The immigration history of participants is unique to the border lifestyle; several members of each generation were born in America and raised on this side of the border. However, other participants were raised in Nuevo Laredo and crossed the bridge across the Rio Grande River every day to Laredo to attend school or to work. In addition, there are cases where either the mother or the father is a US citizen and they process the immigration documents for their partner in order to be together.

Also, several participants commented on the economic advantages of living on the Mexican side of the border. The money goes a long way, if an individual earns in dollars and spends in pesos, with the exchange rate their quality of life increases on the Mexican side having access to great housing, food, public services, etc. Other respondents remarked to having two homes, one in Laredo and the other in Nuevo Laredo, due to business and family matters. Moreover, some respondents commented that they have moved out from Laredo for a few years to live in Chicago-IL, Memphis-TN, Los Angeles-CA, McAllen-TX, San Antonio-TX, Houston-TX, and Austin-TX. Participants commented that when they were growing up they dreamed about becoming a doctor, a nurse, a teacher, a lawyer, a biologist, a police officer, a lab technician, a business owner, a wife, and a mother.

Border residents end up in their current profession because of their family’s influence (grandparents-parents-siblings), by discovering their passion about something, and by chance alone. Overall, participants have learned from their families to always work hard and finish school. At the time of the study, 60% of participants owned a computer and 40% did not. In addition, 35% of respondents had no access to internet at home, and 65% had internet access in the form of broadband service.

Discussion

Laredoans attitudes toward technology found in this study were that the 1^st generation believes that technology is not a family activity, but an individual, isolated activity. Seniors had to learn technology under pressure circumstances mainly to stay in touch with family members who refuse to communicate via landline phone. This group views the internet as intrusive because it exposes their family to destructive information and disturbs their grandchildren’s bedtime schedule.

The 2^nd generation finds technology hazardous because they lose control over what their children are doing on the internet. It is difficult to monitor their children’s activities, particularly when they have more intellectual capital than their parents do. This generation commented that Laredo has a particular cultural characteristic that consists of being quiet and calm, everyone keeping to themselves. The internet makes too much “noise”, it makes people nervous because everybody knows what you are up to. This cultural aspect can be understood through the local contemporary history. There have been several people killed or jailed on both sides of the border because of the information that they posted on the internet, predominantly social media. Finally, two major barriers were identified in the 3^rd generation. Young people frequently feel overwhelmed with information they receive 24/7. This group circumvents the internet to avoid cyber bullying situations.

Laredoans technological knowledge to confidently operate digital devices documented in this study indicated that the 1^st generation is under the impression that technology involves an intensive intellectual effort because devices are complex. This group knows what the internet can do, but they are not self-reliant. They rely on a younger person to do the practical task. Some of them had to learn technology through negative experiences. The 2^nd generation considers that the internet creates marriage, family, and personal-life problems because working hours never end. This group argues that working schedules have expanded. There is no difference between working hours and personal time, since all of it is work. The 3^rd generation faces family cultural traditions that serve as an obstacle to the use of technology. Tradition dictates that face-to-face communication is preferred over digital messaging.

In terms of access to internet connectivity and digital devices, the present study found that Laredoans in the 1^st generation indicated that they prefer to connect to the internet via cell phone, not home connection. If they happen to have home internet connection, it is mainly because their grandchildren asked for it. Likewise, the 2^nd generation does not prefer to connect to the internet using the computer. They prefer other devices such as cell phone and tablets. Both of these groups identify language and economic resources as barriers to accessing the internet. Those groups argue that there is no need to pay twice for the same service. They prefer to pay for the internet service only on their cell phones. Finally, the 3^rd generation is the most connected group. They like to connect several digital devices at the same time in order to multi-task. They want to have access to the internet at home and on their gadgets. This group has no concern about the money issue because their parents pay for their home connection and sometimes even for their cell phones.

Conclusion

This multigenerational study documented that the people from Laredo, Texas prefers mobile internet connectivity via their smart cell phones, tablets, and hotspots over a stationary internet connection such as home or office. Consequently, the home connectivity measurement conducted by the Census in 2013 (^{United States Census Bureau, 2013}) indicating that in Laredo out of the 65 685 households, 26 376 are not connected to the digital world only provides a partial picture of how Laredoans connect to the digital world. According to Bill Callahan, Director of Connect your Community 2.0, the border town of Laredo is considered the least connected city in the nation with 40.2% of households lacking internet access. This low figure of internet connectivity at home indicated that research should be conducted in Laredo to further understand this digital disparity. This investigation provides evidence that strongly suggests expanding the digital divide connectivity scope to include not just home internet but mobile internet as well in order to measure the level of internet connectivity that a particular city possess. A future study should examine the cell phone connectivity in Laredo.

The type of economic activities and the binational life style, which is typical in Laredo, dictate a particular preference for mobile internet connection. For example, one of the major employers in the city are the international commerce business who are in charge of importing as well as exporting goods in and out of the country. The nature of this particular job is for their employees to be on the international bridge monitoring the merchandize as it is inspected by customs. This federal governmental agency requires that all the paperwork is submitted in digital form self-contained in a code that the driver of the 18-wheeler truck has to provide to customs officers. Typically, workers of those international commerce companies have to update-change information on the spot at the bridge. Subsequently, they choose mobile internet connectivity to be able to conduct those tasks on real time from any location on both sides (US/Mexico) of the international bridge.

This aim of the present investigation is to document the cultural and social barriers that are preventing the people from Laredo to enter the digital world. In order to deeply understand the technological dynamics of this border town, authors decided to take a multigenerational approach determining how three generations of 16 families interrelate with technology focusing on the connectivity infrastructure that is available, their preference in the use of digital devices that connect to the internet, individual’s positive and negative attitudes to technology, and the technological knowledge that each individual possess to confidently operate a digital gadget. This study used qualitative methodology to conduct its data collection through 48 in-depth interviews to individuals over 18 years old. At the time of the present study, 60% of participants owned a home computer and 40% did not. In addition, 35% of respondents had no access to internet at home while 65% of participants had mobile internet access.

The first research question inquired how the 1^st, 2^nd, and 3^rd generations of Laredo families relate to their own families and individual’s positive or negative attitudes toward technology in their daily lives. This investigation recognizes that among Laredoans there are more negative attitudes than positive. The negative attitudes of Laredoans were (1) technology interaction is an isolated activity, (2) technology is intrusive because exposes people (particularly children) to destructive information and disturbs their schedule, (3) technology is risky because it’s difficult for parents to monitor what their children are doing on the internet, (4) technology is too noise making people anxious because there have been people jailed or killed due to the information that they posted on the internet predominantly social media, (5) technology makes young people feel overwhelmed with the constant-nonstop incoming information they receive day and night, and (6) some young adults evade interactions with internet especially social media to avoid cyber bullying situations.

The second research question enquire how the 1^st, 2^nd, and 3^rd generations of Laredo families perceive the importance of technological knowledge that individuals possess to confidently operate digital devices in their daily lives. This study identifies that Laredoans are under the impression that technology (1) requires an intensive intellectual effort because digital machines are complicated to operate, (2) some of them are aware of the internet capabilities, but relay on a young family member to do the hands-on work for them, (3) others were force to learn technology as a direct consequence of a negative experience with the law or under pressure circumstances mainly to say in touch with family members. The majority of respondents indicated that they learn technology at work mainly to be up to date with their work’s technological demands.

Lastly, the third research question asked how the 1^st, 2^nd, and 3^rd generations of Laredo families relate to the infrastructure that provides access to internet connectivity and access to the digital devices that connect to the internet in their daily lives. This examination specifies that Laredoans have strong preference to use mobile internet connectivity particularly thru smart cell phones and tablets. They believe that there is no need to pay twice (home and cell phone) for the same internet service. However, young adults like to connect several digital devices at the same time. They like to have internet access at home and on their mobile gadgets usually because they don’t have to pay for it.

Overall, this investigation expands the body of knowledge of ^{Straubhaar et al. (2012}) concepts of techno-disposition, techno-capital, and techno-field by implementing a multigenerational method of data collection and conducting research in a borderland community. In addition, this study expands the body of knowledge by providing strong evidence that suggest that study of digital connectivity should be expanded to integrate mobile internet services to determine the level of connectivity in a particular population. In terms of digital barriers which prevent people from accessing the digital world, previous investigations identified several social and cultural obstacles such as perception of gender roles and ethic roles, low education level, low income, lack of English-language proficiency, lack of relevant content available in other languages besides English, religious beliefs and preference to communicate face to face. However, the present study documents two additional problems: Fear of violence and endless working hours. Also, this investigation contributes to the digital divide field by analyzing a new location on the US/Mexico border, Laredo. Previous studies documented this digital divide approach in the cities of Austin and the Rio Grande Valley regions of Texas, but this paper analyzes an additional borderland community.