INTRODUCTION

The massive formal deportation of Mexicans from the United States, including aging adults , has shattered the lives of millions of families. This process started to grow rapidly after the attacks on September 11, 2001, because the Congress had already facilitated this process by passing a number of laws, in particular, the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act, IIRIRA, in 1996.

A foreigner may be deported after being detained when trying to enter the country without legal documentation, this is also the case for a legal permanent resident if he or she is accused of committing a serious crime. The machinery to deport foreigners, which is part of the immigration act, includes returns and removals. Returns relate to individuals detained while trying to cross the border into the US without proper documentation, or when they are considered inadmissible. Removal is applied to immigrants accused of committing a crime; including undocumented illegal reentry, which has legal consequences in the future.

According to ^{Meissner, Kerwin, Chishti and Bergeron (2013)}, increasingly, there are more noncitizen individuals experiencing removal after the recent interaction between the criminal justice system and immigration law enforcement. The list of noncitizens includes legal permanent residents, temporary visitors and undocumented individuals. The hardening of the judiciary system toward noncitizens began in 1988 with the passing of a number of laws such as the Anti-Drug Abuse Act, the Anti-Terrorism and Effective Death Penalty Act in 1996, followed by IIRIRA in the same year. As a result, there are now five different crime categories, which in case of a conviction, may be used to deport noncitizens: crimes of moral turpitude, controlled substance offenses, firearms or destructive devices offenses, crimes of domestic violence or crimes against children and aggravated felonies. Many of these crimes may be retroactively prosecuted (^{Meissner et al., 2013}).

At the beginning of his administration, on January 25, 2017, former president Donald Trump released an executive order titled Enhancing Public Safety in the Interior of the United States (^{The White House, 2017}), by means of which he expanded the priorities that make any noncitizen removable from the US. Among them one finds not only those who have been convicted for a criminal offense but also accused of, those who have participated in fraud related to their representation regarding official affairs, public-benefit programs abusers, those who did not leave the country after being removed, and those who “in the judgement of an immigration officer, otherwise pose a risk to public safety or national security” (^{U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2017b, s/n}).

Likewise, in 2019, the Trump’s administration extended expedite removal to the interior of the US and reactivated the Secure Community Program, which Barack Obama suspended in his administration. An analysis of data from the ^{US Department of Homeland Security (2019)} reveals that as a consequence of this, the US government formally deported more than four million four hundred thousand Mexican citizens between 1998 and 2018. Among the millions of deportees, many were expelled to the city of Tijuana, in Baja California, and a large part of them has decided to settle in the border city, which neighbors the city of San Diego, in California. According to data from Encuesta sobre Migración en la Frontera Norte de México, EMIF Norte [Survey of Migration at Mexico’s Northern Border] (^{El Colegio de la Frontera Norte et al., 2020}), in the years 2017-2019, 40 percent of the total number of aging deportees was sent to Tijuana.

A greater effort on the part of US immigration authorities to remove noncitizens puts the stability of thousands of people at risk and affects those at ages when it is more complicated to restart a life project, as it is the case of aging adults. The main objective of this article is to analyze the sociodemographic and migratory factors that influence the economic and social reintegration of Mexicans who were formally deported from the United States when they were 50 years of age and older.

In order to reach this goal, a mixed methodology is used. The quantitative part focuses on the analysis of EMIF Norte to estimate the annual number of events of this aging deported population and its percentage in the total flow for the period from 2007 to 2019. Subsequently, from a three- year database, the individuals’ sociodemographic and migratory characteristics as well as their removal processes are analyzed. The qualitative analysis of the sociodemographic and migratory characteristics is based on five semi-structured interviews on the life histories of aging deported persons conducted between February and April 2020, to determine the extent at which their economic and social reintegration in Tijuana has been successful or limited.

In addition to this introduction, the article is composed of three other sections. In the first section, the theories that are useful to explain the deportation of aging persons and their social and economic reintegration to Mexico are reviewed. The second section includes the sociodemographic and migration profile of the deported aging individuals based on EMIF Norte data. In the third section, the five semi-structured interviews with aging deportees who seek to start a new life in Tijuana are analyzed. Finally, in the conclusions, the main findings and their theoretical implications are underscored.

THEORETICAL AND METHODOLOGICAL APROACHES TO THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL INTEGRATION OF AGING DEPORTED PERSONS

In this article, we have as a central objective to analyze the deportation and social and economic integration of migrants formally deported from the United States at the beginning of old age, when they were 50 years of age and older, by examining their sociodemographic and migratory backgrounds. ^{González and Ham (2007)} consider that people from 50 to 64 years of age are transitioning to old age and most of them are in good physical health, they are able-bodied, self- sufficient and in productive conditions. We want to understand what these aging adults do to rebuild their lives after being separated from their families and the places where they lived for many years. If aging is accompanied, among other things, by diminished autonomy, loss of economic capacity and health deterioration by chronic and degenerative diseases (^{Ham, 1998}), deportation implies a great challenge for this population.

It is likely that due to their long residence in the US, most of the aging deportees do not have the benefit of a pension in Mexico, as they are unable to meet the requirements of Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, IMSS [Mexican Social Security Institute] (^{IMSS, 2019}). Moreover, although some aging migrants may be entitled to a pension in the US because of their long labor career under a legal immigration status, the Social Security Administration states that after deportation, individuals lose this benefit (^{Social Security Administration, 2020}).

The aging deportees share the situation of other Mexicans who remained in Mexico, where a significant proportion of them is still working at advanced ages due to lack of economic security coverage at old age maybe because they do not receive a pension, or if they do, the amount is meager (^{Montoya and Montes de Oca, 2009}). In this sense, aging adults tend to look for family support, but they do not stop toiling and carry on working under precarious conditions (^{Garay Villegas and Montes de Oca Zavala, 2011}). In addition that the incomes are low for the aging population in general, they are different for men and women. For men, incomes come from governmental benefits, pensions and labor wages; while for women, these mainly come from governmental benefits, donations and pensions (^{Nava Bolaños, Ham, & Ramírez López, 2016}).

What theories can be used to analyze the economic and social integration of migrants formally deported from the US to Tijuana at the beginning of old age? It is necessary to adapt the theories of integration or assimilation as it is called in the US and was designed to analyze this process in immigrants born outside the destination country (^{Alba & Nee, 1997}; ^{Gordon, 1964}). For this reason, we consider aging persons deported to Tijuana as new immigrants. This is indeed a methodological strategy as deportees from the US are Mexican citizens for they were born in this country.

According to ^{Alarcón, Escala and Odgers (2016)}, the theories of social and economic integration shall start from the relationship between the migrant who “incorporates into” and which “is incorporated by the receiving society (^{Shnapper, 2007}). According to ^{Pastor and Ortiz (2009, p.1)}, the integration of immigrants may be defined as “improved economic mobility, enhanced civic participation and the openness of the receiving society toward immigrants”. For this reason, it is required to examine the attitudes and particular actions of the receiving society to effectively integrate immigrants. It is well-known that deportation confers a stigma that causes rejection in sectors of Mexican society, which is aggravated when it is combined with the systematic discrimination against the elderly.

The analysis of the migrants’ economic integration must comprise labor market integration, the creation of businesses in the United States and Mexico and real-estate ownership in both countries (^{Alarcón et al., 2016}). Given Mexico’s economic context, which has noticeably aggravated by the Covid-19 pandemic and the deportees’ advanced ages, formal employment is difficult to find, in this way the most vulnerable deportees, because of advanced age, health status or poor schooling, can only be hired as employees, or else become self-employed in the informal sector of the economy.

To analyze the economic and social reintegration of aging deported individuals it is fundamental to analyze their sociodemographic characteristics such as age, schooling, health status, including addictions such as alcoholism, the presence or not of family members and access to social networks. Among migration characteristics, their experience and labor skills, migration status in the US, time of residence in this country, the causes and legal consequences of deportation, as well as their future plans must be examined.

This research uses a qualitative methodology through semi-structured interviews in which the life histories of the aging deportees are reconstructed, while the most important elements in their trajectories are emphasized. To this end, the paradigm of life course is very useful. It is defined as the interdisciplinary study of human life development by means of the conceptual relationship between biological and psychological development processes, life development regarding social and cultural regulations and the sociohistorical context (^{Lalive d´Epinay, Bickel, Cavalli, & Spini, 2011}). This approach has three conceptual analytical tools. Trajectory refers to a path over the course of life that may vary, change direction, degree and proportion. The individuals’ transitions refer to movements in various spheres such as family configurations, school completion and incorporation and departure from the labor market. Finally, turning points refer to major modifications or changes in the course of life (^{Blanco, 2011}).

MEXICAN PERSONS 50 YEARS OF AGE AND OLDER DEPORTED FROM THE UNITED STATES

The United States is the main destination of international migrants in the world. In 2019, this country had a population of 327 million people, out of which 50.6 million were immigrants, and from them,, 11.5 million were born in Mexico, according to our own estimations based on the American Community Survey (ACS) (^{Ruggles et al., 2020}). In previous decades, the Mexican population quickly grew from 4.5 million in 1990 to close to 12 million in 2007. However, as noticed in Figure 1, this number stagnated and even decreased in some years, in such manner that over the second decade of the XXI century, the number of Mexican immigrants oscillated between 11.5 and 12 million.

Source: own elaboration with data from American Community Survey from 2000 to 2018 (^{Ruggles et al., 2020}).

Figure 1. Mexican Immigrants Residing in the US by Age Group, 2000-2018  

The stagnation in the number of Mexicans in the US produced the zero-sum immigration scenario, however, this did not mean the absence of immigration from Mexico to the United States. The zero-sum scenario is the result of several factors. On one side, it is explained by a higher return, as the number of Mexicans and their children who moved from the US toward Mexico between 2005 and 2010 accounted for 1.4 million, almost twice as much as those who returned between 1995 and 2000. Simultaneously, emigration decreased, as only 1.4 million Mexicans emigrated to the US between 2005 and 2010, in comparison with the three million who did so between 1995 and 2000 (^{Passel, Cohn, & Gonzalez-Barrera, 2012}). These changes are explained, among other factors, by the sustained increase of border enforcement by the end of 1993 and in 2008, the emergence of the global recession which affected the employment of Mexicans in the US (^{Massey, Pren, & Durand, 2009}).

One of the effects of the decline of emigration to the US is the aging of the age structure of Mexicans who live in this country. In Figure 1, it is shown that in 2000, about 13 percent was 50 years of age and older; by 2018, this percentage almost triplicates as it reaches 34 percent. The above implies that in this last year, there were about 3.9 million Mexican immigrants who were 50 years and older. Within this group, there were few changes in the age distribution between 2001 and 2018. Most of them, are between 50 and 59 years (56.7% and 52 %). Nearly a quarter are between 60 and 69 years of age (27% and 28.6%), and the rest are 70 years and older. However, the difference is that at present, the population has been living longer in the US; in 2001, 13.1 percent had been living there for 10 years or less; while in 2018, this percentage sinks to 5.4 percent. Conversely, most of them has lived in the US for 21 years or longer (81.5%). This is perhaps because there is less migratory circulation, which is identified with data from EMIF Norte, specifically, with the flow from the south toward the US. As the number of events of Mexican individuals who reach the border with the aim of entering into this country changed from 748 000 to only 46 000 between 2008 and 2017. These estimations are ours, based on data from EMIF Norte (^{El Colegio de la Frontera Norte, et al., 2020}).

Many Mexican individuals who are aging in the US benefitted from the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986, becoming legal permanent residents and later, in some cases, naturalized citizens. They thus escaped from the potential reach of the deportation system (^{Massey, Pren & Durand, 2009}). Albeit, it is important to point out that naturalization is not easy to obtain. For example, between 1999 and 2004, there were 3.6 million naturalization applications and about 1.3 million were rejected, some of which were immediately turned over to deportation. (^{Kanstroom, 2007}). According to data from the ^{U.S. Department of Homeland Security (2019)}, for the fiscal year 2018, 11 percent of the 810 548 applications was rejected.

Mexicans are the main immigrant group that becomes naturalized: 131 977 in the fiscal year 2018. It is also the largest immigrant group and the one that takes the longest to go from legal permanent residence to naturalization: in 2018, the median was 11 years (^{U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2019}). Early in the XXI century, almost a half of Mexican migrants 50 years of age and older did not have US citizenship (52.2%), and in spite of some variations, this percentage continued up to 2018 (own estimations based on ACS). Based on the above, it can be expected that about half of Mexicans 50 years of age and older may be deported even if they have legal permanent residence.

The massive formal deportation of noncitizens experienced an important growth as of 1996, when IIRIRA was approved by US Congress and had a differentiated enforcement in the presidential administrations of Clinton, Bush, Obama and Trump. As verifiable with data from the ^{US Department of Homeland Security (2019)}, there was a prevalence of returns in the Clinton’s administration: 108 700 removals and 1.42 million returns (averages of fiscal years in the presidential term). Removals rose during the Bush’s administration (251 500 removals and 1.03 million returns), however, removals increased even more during the Obama’s term (382 900 removals, and 273 300 returns). Despite Trump’s threats, removals decreased in 2017 (288 000 removals and 100 700 returns).

The most relevant fact in the increase in the number of formal deportations is to point out that it will be more complicated for these individuals to reenter the United States. If they are detained crossing the border illegally, they might be incarcerated for a number of years.. It is important to point out that, in the case of deportations of Mexicans, removals prevail at present (Figure 2). In 2000, 90 percent of deportations of Mexican migrants were returns, which has minor legal consequences in the future for migrants who try to re-enter the US. However, in 2018, the contrary is observed, for about 83 percent of the deported Mexicans followed a removal process with serious legal consequences for those who try to cross without documents into the US.

Source: own elaboration based on data from U^{S Department of Homeland Security (2014}, ²⁰¹⁵, ²⁰¹⁶, ^2017a, ²⁰¹⁸⁾.

Figure 2. Number of Events of Mexican Immigrants Deported by US Immigration Authorities, by Type of Deportation, Fiscal Years 2000-2018  

To identify the presence of aging persons, 50 years and older, among the Mexican population deported from the US, the Flujo de Devueltos of EMIF Norte was analyzed (^{El Colegio de la Frontera Norte et al., 2020}). The annual number of events of this population and its percentage of the total flow for the years 2007-2019 were calculated. Subsequently, from a joint database for the years 2017 to 2019, we analyzed the characteristics of the individuals and their deportation processes. We decided to use three years to increase the sample size. In the database for these three years, we identified a set of 437 events associated with the deportation of the population of 50 years and older. Due to the above, it must be understood that these data represent the average situation for the set of events observed in this period. In addition, for analytical and comparison purposes, we created two groups according to the age of the migrants (from 18 to 49 and 50 or more). We also created other two groups, according to the duration of the last stay in the United States (less than a year and one year or more).

Data from the survey refer to events recorded within a period of time, a figure that is usually higher than the number of people who participate in the flow. However, in the present context, the probability of a person to partake in the flow more than once within a short period of time is low. For example, according to data for 2019, only 10 percent of the events corresponds to individuals who over the last 12 months were returned more than once.

Bearing the previously described methodological aspects in mind, Figure 3 shows the annual numbers of events of aging population (50 years and older) and the percentage that these individuals represent in the total flow. The results show that the phenomenon has decreased in absolute numbers. Early in the period, the annual amount reached more than 16 000 events, that is to say, almost twice as much as in recent years. This decline is partially explained by the general tendency of expulsions of Mexicans from the US, mainly because the flow of those who seek to cross the border without documents has decreased. Nevertheless, the decline in the aging population group is not so steep: if we compare the average of the three first years and that of the last three, we can observe that the general flow decreased 67 percent, whereas the number of aging population events dropped only 33 percent. Another way to account for the previous behavior is the increase in the percentage that the aging population group represents in the total flow. In 2007, it was 1.7 percent; by 2019, it had increased to 4.4 percent, and in 2017 it reached 5.6 percent (see Figure 3). What these figures show is that the deportation of the aging population is a phenomenon that may continue and even increase because a portion of these migrants already resides in the United States and, as previously explained, their percentage in the age structure of the Mexican population in the US has increased.

Source: own elaboration with data from Emif Norte from 2007 to 2019 (^{El Colegio de la Frontera Norte et al., 2020}).

Figure 3. Number of Events of Aging Mexican Immigrants Deported by US Immigration Authorities, 2007-2019  

The profile of the migrants deported from the US (see Table 1) shows that it mainly comprises men, principally in the case of events of individuals who spent a year or longer in the United States; this is the case for the aging population and also for those under 50 years. Among the aging population with stays under a year, there are 81.1 percent of events of men, while 91.4 percent for those with stays longer than a year. For the population under 49 years, these percentages increase to 88.7 and 94.5, respectively. It is noteworthy that the percentage of men is very high, mainly in events associated with lengthy stays; that is to say, persons who already live in the US, this implies that there is a higher proportion of men among noncitizens or because of their activities they are more susceptible to be deported. This difference has been analyzed by ^{Golash-Boza and Hondagneu-Sotelo (2013)}, who found a disproportionate concentration of working-class Latino men among deportees, particularly engaged in occupations affected by the 2008 global financial recession such as manufacturing and construction.

After being expelled to Mexico, these persons will have to afford their basic needs, either asking for support from their relatives or friends, nongovernmental organizations or looking for a job on their own, for this reason, it is relevant to find out the tools that are useful for them when looking for a job such as English-language command and schooling. In regards to education, it is noticeable that among the aging population, basic literacy (being able to read and write a note) is almost 10 percent. Concurring with this result, it is noticed that about 15 percent of these individuals did not pass any grade in formal education. Among the younger migrants, these percentages noticeably decrease, which is explained by the generation divides in education access hence, this variable shows a scenario of greater disadvantage for the aging population, in case they intend to incorporate into the labor market in Mexico.

As for English proficiency a finding that may seem contrary to the previous one is observed. In comparison with the younger population, the aging population declares more often that they speak English well or average. Among those who had a stay of less than a year in the United States, 19 percent declares that they speak English well or average. Among those who stayed more than a year, this percentage reaches 55.8.

In some cases, deportation from the United States entails family separation. Data from EMIF Norte show that for 2017-2019 period, families of a high percentage of deported aging persons still live in this country, which may negatively influence reintegration in Mexico, not only in emotional but in economic terms as well. According to the analyzed data, a quarter of the aging population that spent more than a year in the US left underage children there. Moreover, a high percentage of this population left close relatives. Among those with stays longer than a year, 75.6 percent points out that their spouse or partner is in the United States; this percentage drops to 16 for those with short stays. If they are asked about children, percentages are similar, even higher (73.9% and 30%, respectively).

Persons deported from the US are identified and detained under various circumstances; some trying to cross the border without documents, while others after living in the country for many years. Some individuals are charged with serious crimes, others with violating immigration law. All these aspects will have effects on the deportation process and also on the punishment imposed on a possible return. Table 2 shows indicators that illustrate these processes and the differences between the groups. In relation to the detention place, for the aging population that lived for more than a year in the US, 33.2 percent was detained at home or at work. For those who spent a shorter time in the US, it is only 2.2 percent. A high percentage was detained on the street or a highway (55.8% and 36.5%, respectively). A third group was detained for crossing the border or in the desert (4.5% and 60% respectively). Even though there are some differences, the scenario above is similar for the population between 18 and 49 years. Among these differences, one finds the case of those detained on the street or a highway– possibly at a check point or because of a traffic violation–, the percentage for individuals under 50 years of age is 65, almost 10 points higher than among the aging population.

Another relevant aspect in the process of deportation from the US is having spent time in jail or prison which carries consequences regarding the punishment by US authorities in relation to a future documented reentry. There are also consequences in their reintegration in Mexico, as discrimination may take place while looking for a job. Data for the 2017-2019 period show differences among the aging population according to time of stay in the United States. Among those who stayed less than a year in the US, 9.7 percent was detained for a crime that took them to prison, this percentage reaches 36.3 percent for those who were in the country for a year or longer. The situation for the population under 49 years of age is very similar (6.8% and 39.7%, respectively).

Table 2 also shows aspects related to the deportation process. For the aging population with short stays, 34.5 percent had a deportation hearing, while it was so for 57.7 percent of those who stayed longer than a year. For the younger population the situation is very similar. As a part of the deportation process from the US, immigration law enforcement considers punishments that prevent the migrant from applying to any kind of visa that would allow them to enter the country for five, 10 or 20 years or even a ban for life, depending on the seriousness of the offense.

Most of the deported aging adults receive these sorts of punishments: 74 percent of those who were in the U.S. for more than a year and 59.9 percent of those with a short stay. These percentages are similar to the ones observed among the population between 18 and 49 years of age (75% and 48.3%, respectively). The difference of 11.7 units between the two groups that spent less than a year in the US, is partly explained because there is a higher proportion of people with no previous migration experience among the younger group.

Migrants deported to Mexico have to make relevant decisions in relation to their immediate future. Slightly more than 10 years ago, most of them had the intention to return to the US within a short time (seven days). This expectation has radically changed nevertheless, and now very few contemplate this option. For the aging population who lived in the US for less than a year, 85.4 percent states they will not try to return to this country again. This percentage slightly increases in the case of those who had a longer stay (88%). In the survey, those who stated they would not try to reenter the US in the short term were asked whether they will try to return within the next three months, the answer is still negative (93.8% and 91%, respectively). They are asked once again if they will try to enter some time and the general answer is no (81.5% and 70.9%, respectively). If the percentages above are compared with the events of people under 49 years of age, a similar scenario is observed. The largest difference takes place in the last of these indicators, though differences are under 6.8 percent.

EXPERIENCES OF ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL REINTEGRATION OF AGING PERSONS IN TIJUANA

In this section, five semi-structured interviews are used to analyze the social and economic reintegration of aging persons deported from the US to Tijuana in order to find out to what extent this reintegration has been successful or limited. For this purpose, we examine the role of sociodemographic and migration characteristics in this process. For the sociodemographic characteristics, special attention is paid to age, schooling, health status, family in Mexico and access to social networks. Among the migration characteristics, we considered issues such as migration experience and labor skills, history and migration status in the US, time of residence, causes and legal consequences of deportation and future plans. We interviewed three women and two men, aged between 54 and 60 years of age. No one was living with a spouse or partner and everyone completed basic schooling, their time living in the US was between 20 and 50 years and their first migration was undocumented. The snowball technique was utilized to identify the participants, fieldwork was carried out between February and April 2020. On average, the interviews lasted for two hours. The respondents’ informed consent was obtained and the information was modified or generalized in order to prevent the participants from being identified.

SUCCESSFUL ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL REINTEGRATION

LIMITED ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL REINTEGRATION

CONCLUSIONS

In this research, a mixed methodology was used to analyze the process of deportation and economic and social reintegration in Mexico of persons 50 years of age and older who have been deported from the US, combining descriptive statistics from EMIF Norte with five semi-structured interviews about the life histories of persons who now live in Tijuana. From this information, we identify sociodemographic and migratory factors that facilitate or hinder a successful economic and social reintegration for aging adults.

The analysis based on data from EMIF Norte discloses that among aging adults, the percentage of men surpasses 80 percent. Among those with stays longer than a year, 75.6 percent states that their partners or spouses are in the United States, while 73.9 percent has children there. In this same group, more than a half (55.8%) was detained on the street or on the highway. Furthermore, the longer the residence in the US, the higher the percentage of those who committed a crime, were in jail or prison, had a deportation hearing or were banned from legally returning to the United States for five, ten, twenty years or even for life.

The advanced age of all the participants is a factor that makes it difficult for them to find a formal job, as in Mexico employers prefer to hire younger workers with higher schooling and command of some tools such as computers. Due to their age, these individuals did not have access to an education to learn these skills in Mexico, this way, in the beginning of their life in Tijuana, they obtain precarious jobs with low incomes that are barely enough to rent a place to live and buy food.

This is clearly insufficient, as in the long term, these aging adults will have to take care of the chronic diseases some of them already suffer, such as, diabetes. In this sense, it is very relevant to have access to health care and ensure this service, for example, by means of a pension. It is significant that one of the respondents is especially proud to be adding to her pension, though surely, as in most of the cases in Mexico, it will be insufficient to support herself.

Out of the five respondents, the three women show an economic and social integration that may be considered successful, while the two men display serious limitations in this process. This makes us wonder, are women capable of reintegrating better in Mexico after deportation from the United States?. Obviously, this cannot be affirmed with five cases, however it is a very interesting research question for the future.

After a complicated beginning in the labor market in Tijuana, two of the female respondents speak of their satisfaction in using skills they acquired in the United States such as the ability to speak English, which enables, even aging adults, to work in call centers, which offer higher wages than jobs in the informal sector. These accomplishments, which include a business to sell tamales, help mitigate the nostalgia and pain of being separated from children and relatives who remained on the other side of the border.

Access to social networks in Mexico and the US is a key resource for successful integration, as it offers monetary support to afford expenses in Tijuana, which includes access to decent housing. However, strong social networks in the US are fundamental as well to motivate the desire of one of the respondents to reenter this country, in an undocumented way, for he considers his life is there. This particular case contradicts an important finding of EMIF Norte (^{El Colegio de la Frontera Norte et al., 2020}), which shows that most aging deportees do not have the intention to return to the United States without legal documents.

Health status also defines the likelihood of a successful integration, since ailments such as diabetes, alcoholism and addictions to other drugs that most of the respondents experienced at a certain point in their lives.in addition to their devastating physical effect, hinder the opportunity to find formal employment. The lack of general health care coverage in Mexico is part of the rejection on the part of the receiving society. Similarly, widespread violence does not help the appropriate settling of Mexicans deported from the US. On the contrary, the solidarity and support of many people and institutions, such as migrant shelters, show the openness toward the newly arrived on behalf of Tijuana society.

The experiences of the respondents show that migrants are not the only ones affected by deportation, as it entails the fracture of families and the separation of spouses and children who decide to stay in the United States. For this reason, Tijuana is a strategic place for deportees who try to restart their lives, as they are able to be close to relatives who live in Southern California, and where they find better labor conditions than in other places of origin in southern Mexico. These places are not attractive for them, they even notice the presence of organized crime, in this way, they prefer to go to other localities in Mexico.

Although this research did not have as an objective to obtain findings that could become public policy recommendations, it can be indeed stated, that it is plausible that the deportation of aging adults will continue in years to come. According to estimations from EMIF Norte, over the last decade there were, on average, nine thousand annual events of Mexicans, 50 years of age and older, who were deported from the US. Furthermore, nearly 1.9 million Mexicans, 50 years of age and older, who live there do not have US citizenship, so they are at constant risk of deportation.