Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Investigaciones geográficas]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/rss.php?pid=0188-461120170003&lang=pt vol. num. 94 lang. pt <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.mx <![CDATA[Editorial]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300001&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt <![CDATA[Neotectonic deformations in the fluvial relief of the Llanura Sur of Pinar del Río, Cuba]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300002&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Las investigaciones neotectónicas se enfocan a la determinación de los movimientos tectónicos más recientes de la corteza terrestre y poseen un gran significado en el análisis geomorfológico de la estructura del relieve moderno. En las regiones relativamente llanas no siempre resulta fácil el reconocimiento de evidencias de las deformaciones neotectónicas en el relieve fluvial. Desde el punto de vista metodológico, quedó demostrada la eficiencia del empleo de los métodos geológicos, geomorfológicos y edafológicos, como la evaluación morfométrica del relieve, el análisis de anomalías del drenaje, el estudio de la distribución espacial de los complejos estratigráficos y de los sedimentos aluviales, y la espectrometría del canal de potasio en los mismos. Sus resultados destacaron la existencia de bloques longitudinales de tipo horst y graben, corroborando los resultados geofísicos y de perforaciones, así como la identificación de tres bloques transversales escalonados, de oeste a este, con amplitudes diferenciadas de los desplazamientos verticales del orden de 6 y 10 m. Los bloques centro-orientales (II y III) han experimentado una basculación tectónica sostenida, forzando la migración de la red fluvial en dirección suroeste, como lo evidencia la asimetría de las cuencas hidrográficas y la migración de los ríos en esa dirección. Finalmente, se pudo establecer que los ríos, en la parte axial de la llanura, muestran un patrón regional de inflexión horaria de sus cauces, asociado probablemente a movimientos neotectónicos de cizalladura que se manifiestan a lo largo de la dislocación que constituye el límite meridional de la depresión Los Palacios.<hr/>Abstract: The tourism is considered as one of the key strategies to promote environmental conservation and socio-economic development of local communities in protected areas. UNESCO biosphere reserves are protected areas of extraordinary natural and cultural value, conceived as places for reconciliation between conservation and development. The primary objective of this research was to evaluate the key elements of the current management of tourism and its contribution to biodiversity conservation and development in two Ecuadorian biosphere reserves: Galapagos Islands and Sumaco (Amazon Basin). Moreover, the sustainability of tourism was evaluated. Data collection for the case studies was performed by the combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Surveys were applied to residents in both reserves in order to find out about their socio-demographic characteristics, their main economic activities for supporting themselves and their attitude towards tourism, their level of knowledge about biosphere reserves, and their perception about advantages or disadvantages of living in a biosphere reserve. For qualitative analysis, in-depth semi-structured interviews with the main stakeholders in both biosphere reserves were applied. Experts in the management of protected areas, as well as representatives of different sectors directly and indirectly associated with tourism were interviewed. Although tourism is a concept that could be developed in accordance with the environment in these natural areas, in the case of Galapagos it is one of the main threats for the conservation of biodiversity in the archipelago due to the increasing number of tourists, among others. In contrast, in Sumaco tourism could be an important sustainable alternative to mining and oil extraction, which are the current threats to the conservation of the area. There are serious problems in both reserves, mainly linked to the contamination of water resources. Such pollution imposes risks to the health to both, residents and tourists. The invasion of exotic species in Galapagos is one of the most serious threats to the conservation, while deforestation in combination with illegal logging and mining activities is the greatest danger in Sumaco. Migration processes undoubtedly shape the attitudes and values of the current population in both reserves. In Galapagos most residents are immigrants, whereas in Sumaco a significant portion is Kichwa people who belong to the area’s native population. In general, the inhabitants in both areas have not yet developed a true environmental awareness. Their awareness is based on usage, in the sense of "use it today and do not worry about it tomorrow". In both reserves, tourist services offered by local communities have low quality standards and are targeted on a market segment consisting of tourists with a low budget. Thus, the community revenues obtained from tourism are generally only a small percentage of the total tourism market. This situation is much more noticeable in Galapagos where large companies that operate luxury cruises and hotels gain most of their revenues from tourism. Many of them have their headquarters in the main cities of Ecuador and abroad, which means that they pay their taxes in those cities and not in the places where they operate. Inequality in the distribution of the economic benefits of tourism leads to a situation of frustration among the residents. Despite this situation, tourism is still a profitable business and residents try to make the most of it, no matter the cost impacts. Temporary and illegal tourism activities is often the normal state of the things: unregistered houses that offer rooms for tourists, taxi drivers who offer tours without being in possession of permits, tourist boat owners, tour guides and even large tourist companies that operate without legal licenses. This situation leads to a decrease of the quality of services, an uncontrolled increase of business, a consequent dumping of prices and the overall decline of the destination. There are some serious limitations regarding the technical and logistical capacity of the institutions responsible for controlling and managing the tourist activity; they consist mainly in the lack of staff and funding. Galapagos, given its special status, has increased the number of funding managers and staff members for controlling and management, but in many cases, these people are not fully qualified for their positions. Sumaco has only few tourism experts who can help to develop the tourism. The coordination and planning among all stakeholders involved in tourism is still a work in progress to ensure proper management of the tourist destinations. In any case, local communities are developing important initiatives in both biosphere reserves. Adequate planning and coordination are mandatory to achieve sustainable tourism in Galapagos and Sumaco. <![CDATA[Coastlineʹs changes in the Balsas River delta, Mexico, between the years 1943-2009]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300003&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: A partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX y hasta el presente, la construcción de numerosas obras de ingeniería hidráulica e hidroeléctrica han contribuido aceleradamente a la ruptura del equilibrio entre los flujos hidrológicos y sedimentarios en las cuencas fluviales y los procesos de progradación/regresión en el desarrollo de geoformas deltaicas y de otros tipos de relieve costero. A su vez, la retención sedimentaria en los embalses no sólo ha provocado la regresión de las costas sino que ha impactado severamente los ecosistemas naturales y socioproductivos. En el caso de las llanuras deltaicas del río Balsas, en el océano Pacífico, la construcción de las hidroeléctricas “El Infiernillo” y “La Villita”, en los años 1964 y 1973, respectivamente, determinó una notable regresión del delta y numerosos cambios morfodinámicos fluviales y costeros. Estos cambios se analizan durante los 66 años comprendidos entre los años 1943 y 2009, a través de la evidencia documental de la cartografía oficial y de la restitución de la línea de costa de diversos materiales aerofotográficos. Los cambios más significativos en la regresión del delta, con tasas regresivas máximas de -20.5 m/año, ocurren en la etapa del escurrimiento hidrológico controlado, entre los años 1963 y 1974, debido al cierre de los embalses, luego de una larga fase de progradación en condiciones naturales, desde el año 1943 y hasta 1958. En el sector occidental del delta, la tasa regresiva promedio alcanzó -8.8 m/año (1958-2009) contrastando con la tasa progradativa de +27.47 m/año, previa a las construcciones ingenieras.<hr/>Abstract: Since the second half of the twentieth century, the undertaking of a number of hydraulic and hydroelectric projects has contributed to the disruption of the balance of water and sediment flows in river basins, leading to accelerated processes of progradation and regression in deltaic and other coastal landforms. The retention of sediments in reservoirs has not only resulted in coastal regression, but has severely impacted natural and socio-productive ecosystems as well. In the case of the deltaic plains of the Balsas river in Mexico, the construction of El Infiernillo and La Villita hydroelectric plants in 1964 and 1973, respectively, led to a marked regression of the delta as well as several morphodynamic changes in riverine and coastal areas. The Balsas river basin is located between 17° and 20° North and 97° 30’ and 103° 15’ West, occupying the border between the states of Guerrero and Michoacan along the Mexican Pacific coast. The delta, itself an expression of fluvial sedimentation at the lower course, as the river leaves the mountainous terrain of the southern Sierra Madre, consists of a vast plain representing one third of the total watercourse from north to south, and is divided into two distributary arms leading all the way into the Pacific Ocean, where clear signs of progradation such as cross stratification and valley fills have been detected on the gentle slopes offshore, far away from the coast. This study analyzes the morphodynamic changes taking place at the Balsas river delta front over 66 years between 1943 and 2009, using documentary evidence from official maps (1964, 1980, 1990, 1998, 2001 and 2003), as well as photographic restitution of the coastline using various aerial photographic materials (1943, 1958-59, 1963, 1974, 1976-1977, 1981-1982, 1985, 1996, 2006 and 2009). In the western sector, between 1943 and 1958, prior to the construction of the engineering projects, a significant trend was observed in the progradation of the delta front of the order of +1,103 m, whereas at the apex of the delta the coastline advanced towards the sea at a rate of +73.53 m/year. The most significant changes in the regression of the delta, with maximum regressive rates of -20.5 m/year, occurred during the stage of controlled water flows between 1963 and 1974, due to the closure of reservoirs, after a long phase of natural progradation from 1943 to 1958. In the western part of the delta, the average progradation rate reached -8.8 m/year (1958-2009), in contrast to the progradation rate of +27.47 m/year prior to the construction of the projects. In the eastern part of the delta, on the other hand, regression prevailed during all the periods analyzed, especially between 1963 and 1974, when even the delta coastline lacked effective protection. The maximum linear regression at the coast reached -391.83 m during that period. Later, in 1979, jetties and breakwaters started to be built to reduce the erosive impact of waves. These coastal protections resulted in a sustained reduction of erosion (average rate of -1.45 m/year) until 2009. When compared to the changes in the western sector, the regressive phase in the eastern part of the delta is notorious. The most significant extreme value occurs in the period 1963 to 1974, with a loss of beach surface of 86.68 ha, indicating an average rate of coastal regression of -10.12 m/year. It is expected that the process of coastal regression at the delta keep a low rate in coming years, given the routine maintenance to coastal protections and other infrastructure at the Lazaro Cardenas industrial port. Though they generally help improve the environmental and socio-economic conditions of upstream areas, dams may cause multiple imbalances and may adversely impact the environment towards the river mouth, leading to problems such as land losses, damages to the flora and fauna, decline of the water table, subsidence of alluvial and deltaic plains by differential sediment compaction, and the intrusion of saline water in areas adjacent to the coast, mainly during high tide, resulting in soil salinization and loss of fertility. These impacts are already identified at the Balsas River delta plain. <![CDATA[Morphometric model to determine susceptible areas to hillslope processes]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300004&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: En países tropicales donde existen condiciones geodinámicas activas, tanto internas como externas, y el modelado del relieve está en constante modificación, los procesos de ladera son una de las amenazas naturales más recurrentes que causan pérdidas humanas y económicas todos los años. El área de estudio comprende una sección de 52 km2 en las coordenadas geográficas extremas: 10,23° N y 10,18° S, -84,23° W y -84,14° E, la cual se localiza en la ladera noreste del volcán Poás en Costa Rica. El objetivo de este trabajo es mostrar un modelo morfométrico para determinar áreas susceptibles a procesos de ladera a partir del caso de estudio de la región más afectada por los deslizamientos disparados durante el terremoto de Cinchona en 2009. Se desarrollaron siete mapas morfométricos que explican de manera indirecta la dinámica geomorfológica de este territorio. Se compararon los resultados del mapa de susceptibilidad a procesos de ladera con los movimientos en masa cosísmicos de 2009, lo que dio como resultado que un 98% de estos fenómenos coincidieran con las áreas de ocurrencia frecuente y máxima ocurrencia. Además, se utilizaron las superficies de ruptura de los procesos gravitacionales de 2009 para validar este modelo con un evento sísmico real, lo que dio un 78% de predicción. Por último, este modelo podría ser replicado en otras regiones tropicales como insumo de base para la toma de decisiones en la gestión del riesgo a desastres y el ordenamiento territorial.<hr/>Abstract: In tropical countries where both internal and external active geodynamic conditions exist and relief modeling is constantly changing, hillside processes are one of the most recurring natural hazards that cause human and economic losses each year. In Costa Rica, for example, these phenomena cause approximately 30% of the disasters that affect the country each year. The study area comprises a section of 52 km2 in the extreme geographical coordinates: 10,23 ° N and 10,18 ° S; -84.23 ° W and -84.14 ° E; which is located on the northeast slope of the Poás volcano in Costa Rica and has the physical characteristics of rainfall above 2000 mm per year, intense tectonic dynamics associated with different tectonic faults and dense tropical vegetation. The objective of this work is to show a morphometric model to determine susceptible areas to hillslope processes, starting from the case study of the most affected region by the landslides triggered during the Cinchona Earthquake in 2009. The morphometry or geomorphometry is the quantitative analysis of the terrestrial surface; among its fundamental variables are altimetry or hypsometry, slope of the terrain and drainage density. The morphometric methods used are based on the approaches of Simonov (1985), Lugo (1988) and Zamorano (1990). Seven morphometric maps were developed that indirectly explain the geomorphological dynamics of this territory. Firstly, the cartography of dissection density, depth of dissection, relief energy and total erosion were performed. The density of the dissection calculates the concentration of river channels in a specific area, aiming to establish zones of greater or lesser concentration of river courses and therefore with greater river erosion. The depth of the dissection aims to measure the erosive capacity or activity of rivers vertically, as it analyzes the areas where river erosion has been more (or less) intense over time and provides an indirect relationship of the parameters that allow the dissection to increase, such as lithology, terrain inclination, precipitation and substrate weakness planes. The relief energy determines the maximum difference of the relative height in meters in a specific area and represents the potential energy that emerges from the relief. The total erosion determines zones with greater or less erosion of the recorded relief by means of the density of the curves of level in a determined area (by minimum spatial unit of analysis). All these parameters were analyzed from the three morphological regions that make up the study area (Poás volcanic complex, pyroclastic ramps and valley slopes), and then integrate these variables into the slope susceptibility map. Subsequently, the results of the map of susceptibility to hillside processes were compared with the coseismic mass movements of 2009, which resulted in that 98% of these phenomena coincided with the areas of frequent occurrence and maximum occurrence. In addition, the rupture surfaces of the gravitational processes of 2009 were used to validate this model with a real seismic event, giving 78% of prediction. It is possible to affirm that the model showed a very good performance to predict coseismic slope movements despite the fact that the model does not use any seismic parameters. It would then be expected that their verification with slope movements induced by extreme weather events would be equally acceptable. In view of the obtained results, it can be affirmed that the greatest virtue of the morphometric model is the use of easily obtained morphometric parameters from two fundamental variables: the hydrographic network and the elevation contours. It is for these reasons that the method can be applied in the territories of poor countries, by virtue of the provision of this base information. However, the limitation of the model is on the scale of the data sources and the size of the analysis cells that compose the grid of the study area. Finally, this model could be replicated in other regions or countries as a basic input for decision making in disaster risk management and land use planning. <![CDATA[Geomorphometric classification of the Mexican relief: a morphographic approach by contour density and relief energy]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300005&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: En la actualidad los estudios geomorfométricos del relieve y su representación cartográfica digital constituyen una plataforma geomorfológica esencial para la delimitación de unidades sintéticas naturales, indispensables para la organización territorial y para las investigaciones aplicadas a la optimización del uso agrícola de suelo, la microlocalización de asentamientos humanos, la designación de programas forestales e, inclusive, para los planes estratégicos militares, entre muchas utilidades socioproductivas. En este sentido, el presente trabajo persigue precisar los métodos y las interpretaciones geomorfológicas sobre la morfografía y la energía del relieve mexicano, considerando para ello dos cálculos por unidad de área: densidad de curvas de nivel (km/km2) como base morfográfica, y diferencia máxima de alturas (m/km2) como base morfométrica, con apoyo en los software SIG ArcView, ArcGis y ArcInfo. Las etapas del levantamiento cartográfico de las unidades geomorfométricas del relieve mexicano fueron: 1) construcción del mapa morfográfico: a) cálculo de la densidad de curvas de nivel, b) análisis y reclasificación de datos, c) generalización espacial por área mínima cartografiable y d) suavizado de límites geográficos; 2) elaboración de la energía del relieve: a) construcción del MDE, b) cálculo de la energía del relieve y c) reclasificación de datos, y 3) obtención del mapa de las unidades geomorfométricas del relieve: a) superposición de los mapas morfográfico y de energía del relieve, b) estadística espacial y c) asignación por contorno morfográfico de las dos clases de energía del relieve predominantes. Finalmente, la metodología arrojó resultados bastante precisos y coherentes entre las realidades matemático-estadística y geomorfológica del relieve.<hr/>Abstract: At present the geomorphometric studies of relief and the digital mapping are an essential geomorphological platform for delimitation of natural synthetic units, so indispensable to the territorial organization, and others applied researches as the optimization of agricultural land use, microlocalization of settlement human, designation of forest programs and even for military strategic plans, among many social and productive utilities. Thus, this article aims to provide detailed information on analytical geomorphological methods and interpretations of morphography and energy for Mexico’s relief, considering two calculations according to unit area: density contour (km/km2) and maximum difference of heights (m/km2) - both relief índices -, with the support of GIS ArcView, ArcGIS, and ArcInfo software. A review of existing national atlases revealed that not all countries have morphometric data on their reliefs. Indeed, mapping of this type was only found, in chronological order, in the National Atlas of Cuba (1970), the Atlas of the Slovak Socialist Republic (Slovak Cartography (1983), the National Atlas of Hungary (Geographic Research Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (1989), the New National Atlas of Cuba (1989), and the National Atlas of Mexico (1990), all on a small scale. In other national atlases, there are only hypsometric and slope steepness maps. The stages for mapping the geomorphometric units of Mexico’s relief were: (1) Construction of the morphographic map: a) Calculation of density contours, b) Data analysis and reclassification, c) Spatial generalization by minimum mappable area, and d) Smoothing of geographic limits; (2) Obtaining a relief's energy map: a) Construction of the Digital Elevation Model (DEM), b) Calculations for the relief's energy map, c) Data reclassification, and d) Spatial generalization; (3) Production of a map of the relief’s geomorphometric units: a) Overlaying of the morphographic and relief's energy maps, b) Spatial statistics, and c) Map of geomorphometric relief units: and 4) Definition, according to morphographic contour, of the two predominant classes of the relief's energy. The morphographic map (density of contours in km/km2) shows nine range classes: less than 1.0, from 1.0 to 2.0, from 2.1 to 3, from 3.1 to 4, from 4.1 to 5, from 5.1 to 6, from 6.1 to 7, from 7.1 to 8.0, and more than 8.0. On the other hand, the map of the relief's energy has 9 ranges (m/km2): less than 10.0, from 10.1 to 20.0, from 20.1 to 50.0, from 50.1 to 100.0, from 100.1 to 200.0, from 200.1 to 300.0, from 300.1 to 400.0, from 400.1 to 500.0, and over 500.0. An analysis of this country’s territory reveals that very highly dissected mountainous relief, with dissection values ranging from 501 to 1 300 m/km2, evidences a monolithic location pattern associated with major breakups due to erosion in the central portion of the Sierra Madre Occidental and, in a more isolated way, in its southern portion; in the central sector of the Sierra Madre del Sur in the State of Guerrero; in the sierras of Miahuatlán and Juárez, in the State of Oaxaca; and in very scattered sectors of the southwestern part of the Sierra Madre de Chiapas and the Sierra Madre Oriental. These orogenic regions have land areas characterized by greater ascending widths and intensities in terms of neotectonic movements responsible for the formation of Mexico’s modern relief. In contrast, morphometric units belonging to the vertical dissection category from 21 to 50 m/km2 exhibit moderately dissected, hilly relief typical of high and mid plains formed by a weaker neotectonic process. Lastly, morphometric units with dissection values between 0 and 20 m/km2 stretch along the plains of the coastal states on the Gulf of Mexico, including karstified plains in the Yucatán Peninsula. Units in this category also stretch along the coastal plains of the Baja California Peninsula, the states of Sonora and Sinaloa, and the Pacific Coast in the State of Chiapas. They can also be found in isolated patches on the coastal plains of the Sierra Madre del Sur, on the plains of the Central Mexican Plateau, and along depressed areas of the Trans-Mexican Neovolcanic Belt, where they occupy countless graben depressions, as well as among volcanic edifices throughout the region. The present methodology for determining geomorphometric unities in Mexico’s relief at a scale of 1:250 000, supported by a GIS platform, using density contours as the morphographic parameter for the country’s relief, provided rather precise results consistent with the relief’s mathematical-statistical and geomorphological realities. The cartographic expression at a 1:250 000 scale included 122 map sheets of Mexico representing several different levels of data, as morphographical, morphometric (relief's energy) and topographic, all of great significance for the preparation of other issues geomorphological mapping. <![CDATA[Land cover and land use change in coastal basins from the Central Pacific coast of Mexico]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300006&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: En los últimos años los humedales costeros de Jalisco han sufrido transformaciones en las confluencias y en las cuencas a las que están asociados. El esquema de la gestión costera sugiere incluir la zona de estudio y las áreas adyacentes en un mismo sistema. Por lo tanto, este trabajo plantea analizar los procesos de cambio de cobertura y uso del suelo en dos cuencas costeras, Arroyo Seco (CAS) y María García (CMG). Se consideraron dos periodos, 1971-1996 y 1996-2014. En total, en la CAS los bosques tropicales perdieron 4 000 ha y en la CMG 7 100 ha. Por otro lado, los usos agropecuarios aumentaron el 55% y el 175%, respectivamente. Hay dos factores detonantes de cambio: en la CMG la construcción del distrito de riego 093 generó importantes pérdidas de bosques tropicales; en la CAS el desarrollo turístico modificó las estructuras del paisaje en las confluencias de la laguna Barra de Navidad. Los principales procesos observados fueron la deforestación y la transición forestal, recuperándose solo el 30% de las superficies de bosques tropicales. Mediante la aplicación de un modelo lineal generalizado se encontró que la deforestación, a diferencia de la transición forestal, está influenciada por valores más bajos de pendientes, altitud, distancia a localidades y a vías de comunicación, pero el modelo que mejor explica este proceso incluye las variables altitud, cuenca y periodo, debido a las características intrínsecas de cada periodo y cada cuenca.<hr/>Abtract: Land cover and land use change (LCLUC) is a spatio-temporal process with a stochastic pattern produced by complex patterns produced by complex interactions among social, physical and biological components. In recent years, the coastal wetlands of Jalisco have undergone transformations in their associated confluences and basins. The coastal management strategy suggests integrating both the study and adjacent areas into the same system. Therefore, this paper proposes to analyze LCLUC processes in two coastal basins, Arroyo Seco (CAS) and María García (CMG). Two periods were considered, 1971-1996 and 1996-2014. Land cover and land use data bases for 1971 and 1996 were obtained by interpretation of scanned photographs on a screen monitor (0.5m x 0.5m pixel resolution) and ortho photographs (2m x 2m pixel resolution), respectively. The data bases for 2014 were obtained by using a combination of digital supervise classification, and interpretation of SPOT fused imagines on a screen monitor (2.5m x 2.5m pixel resolution). In all cases, images were displayed on a monitor screen at a 1:10,000 scale. The data bases were generated according to FOA approach. The overall confidence level of the interpretation of the 2014 land cover and land use (LCLU) maps was 93% for CAS and 92% for CMG. During the study period (43 years), CAS lost 4,000 ha of tropical forests and CMG 7,100 ha. Agricultural use increased by 55% for CAS and 175% for CMG, representing the most important change. In synthesis, the main processes observed are deforestation and forest transition, depicting a recovery of 30% of deforested surface. The processes of deforestation and forest transition represent about 95% of all changes. A Generalized Linear Model (GLM) was used to find the relationship of deforestation and forests transition processes with some independent variables. Deforestation or forest transition were used as response variables at of each point while altitude, slope, soil type and distance to roads and localities were used as explained variables. The data base was built from a network of points every 500 meters. Two factors were also considered: basin (with two levels, CAS and CMG) and period (with two levels, P1 and P2). The data were adjusted by a GLM considering the distribution of the response variable as binomial and as a function of link the logit function. The tropical dry forest is one of the most affected land covers in the coast of Jalisco due to agricultural expansion even though there are land use and watershed management plans established in the area. There are two "external" factors that stimulated major changes, on the one hand, the construction of the irrigation district in the CMG, which promoted the loss of large areas of tropical dry forests and hydrophilic and halophilic vegetation. On the other hand, in the CAS the establishment of a touristic development has caused great modifications in the landscape at the confluences of the Barra de Navidad Lagoon. By applying a Generalized Linear Model, we found that deforestation, unlike forest transition, is influenced by lower values of: slope, altitude, distance to human settlements and roads, but the model that best explains these processes, includes such variables as altitude, basin and period, due to the intrinsic characteristics of each period and basins. The model chosen gives statistical support to the trends observed in the analysis, but part of the observed variability is not explained by the model. <![CDATA[Trend in the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI) in the Southern Part of Baja California Peninsula]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300007&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: El uso de sensores remotos en la investigación ha permitido realizar análisis a escalas que anteriormente resultaba muy difícil llevar a cabo. En este trabajo se utilizaron imágenes de satélite tipo MODIS para analizar el comportamiento promedio y la tendencia sostenida del NDVI por pixel en la región meridional de la península de Baja California durante el periodo 2001-2015. En total se analizaron 1 377 985 pixeles, de los cuales el 67.04% mostró valores de NDVI promedio entre 0.1 y 0.3 consistentes para zonas áridas. No obstante, se observaron valores &gt;0.5 en las porciones de mayor cobertura vegetal en zonas elevadas, y los máximos valores (&gt;0.8) se hallaron dentro de la Reserva de la Biosfera Sierra La Laguna (RBSL), en el sur de la península. El análisis de la tendencia reveló que en esta misma zona de la RBSL, los valores de tendencia del NDVI son negativos, lo que indica pérdida del vigor de la vegetación. Valores de tendencia negativa tuvieron alta correspondencia también con las zonas de mayor densidad poblacional y mayor desarrollo turístico alrededor de la RBSL, lo que permite inferir que en toda la región sur de la península existe una fuerte presión que ocasiona cambios en el sistema. Su magnitud tendrá que ser evaluada para determinar si se trata de cambios estructurales solamente o si ya se presentan también cambios funcionales. Esperamos que este primer esfuerzo siente las bases para investigaciones futuras que coadyuven a la toma de decisiones y planes de desarrollo en la región.<hr/>Abstract: The use of remote sensing in scientific research has revolutionized our understanding by revealing the diversity and complexity of terrestrial systems, something difficult to appreciate in the past. One of the tools most extensively used in this field is the Normalized Difference Vegetation Index (NDVI), which is a system for the remote monitoring of vegetation in a synoptic temporal and spatial scale. In this particular case, we are interested in analyzing not only the average spatial or temporal behavior of the NDVI, but any trends it may display. It is a simple but nonetheless important method for the study of temporal series, since it allows to identify, in a general sense, a positive (increase) or negative (decrease) pattern of the elements in a particular environment during a given period. This paper analyzes the average behavior and sustained trend of NDVI per pixel for the southern portion of the Baja California Peninsula, Mexico, during the period 2001-2015. MODIS images obtained from the public database Land Processes Distributed Active Archive Center (LPDAAC,https://lpdaac.usgs.gov/) of the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) were used. The information is in binary format with a 250-m spatial resolution (pixel unit), and a 16-day temporal resolution (MOD13Q1). NDVI data corresponding to the southern portion of the Baja California Peninsula are available in two tiles (h07v06 and H08v06); therefore, techniques for processing tiled images were applied to produce each average 16-day image and, subsequently, work on a monthly basis. MODIS products were cut and reprojected from the Universal Transverse Mercator (UTM) system to the WGS84 geographic coordinate system; MODIS data to obtain the average value and the trend of NDVI per pixel were processed using the programming software R through different libraries. A total of 1 377 985 pixels were analyzed, 67.04% of which showed average NDVI values between 0.1 and 0.3, consistent with arid zones. However, values &gt; 0.5 were recorded in areas with a high vegetation cover in high altitudes, with peak values (&gt; 0.8) within Sierra La Laguna Biosphere Reserve (RBSL), located to the south of the peninsula. The trend analysis revealed that in this same area within RBSL, the NDVI trend values are negative, indicating loss of vegetation vigor. Negative trend values matched closely the areas with the highest population density and tourism development around RBSL, indicating that the southern region of the peninsula is facing a strong pressure that is leading to alterations in the system. Its magnitude should have to be evaluated to determine if it causes structural changes only or if functional changes are also involved. Although the tourism sector has boosted economic growth in the southern portion of the Baja California peninsula, this activity has also involved the greatest alterations to the natural system, which is particularly evident in coastal subsystems. These tourism development and urbanization process, in addition to fragmentation, cause disturbance levels not yet measured in a synoptic scale. This first approximation sets the ground to continue searching for patterns of change that may be indicators of the condition of the systems analyzed. Tn turn, these could be used to establish useful indicators for decision-making, particularly with regard to the planning of tourist development initiatives. As discussed in this paper, the implementation of poorly designed projects may be the main stressors of ecological systems, which eventually may lead structural and functional changes in the system. <![CDATA[Evaluation of natural and cultural resources to create a tourism corridor in the plateau of San Luis Potosí, Mexico]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300008&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: La conformación económica del árido Altiplano de San Luis Potosí ha descansado en los sectores agropecuario, el comercio y la minería. Sin embargo, la incorporación de nuevos territorios a la actividad turística, como parte de una política de impulso nacional, ha permitido la apertura a la diversificación económica en zonas desérticas. En este sentido, los municipios de Cedral, Matehuala y Villa de la Paz disponen de recursos naturales y culturales para el aprovechamiento turístico, lo que se sustenta en los atributos de su medio físico-geográfico, la herencia cultural de grupos prehispánicos, su arquitectura y su gastronomía. Esta investigación revela la riqueza material y cultural de tres municipios del Altiplano potosino en la que se utilizó una metodología de análisis multicriterio para definir 10 áreas proclives al aprovechamiento turístico con base en la detección de sitios aptos y, a partir de estos, conformar un corredor turístico con los atributos más importantes de la región, en la que existe un emergente potencial que dinamizaría la economía turística local y regional. La propuesta del corredor –dentro de su planeación– integra condiciones (y tiene implicaciones) de orden ambiental, social y económico, que incentivan la movilización de bienes, servicios, mercancías y turistas en la zona y promueven la integración política y la participación de los actores involucrados.<hr/>Abstract: The San Luis Potosí plateau is located in the northern portion of the state; it comprises 15 municipalities with a territorial extension of 28122 km 2 . This area includes the municipalities of Cedral, Matehuala and Villa de la Paz, which stand out for their economic development throughout history. Such is the case of trade that has made of Matehuala an important regional distribution center, supplemented by agricultural activities as key elements of the economy of the municipality of El Cedral, and mining, which in the colonial collection of some relevance in Villa of Peace, where copper is mined, lead, silver and gold. The incorporation of new territories to tourism, as part of a national policy, has allowed the economic diversification in arid zones of Mexico. These municipalities have natural and cultural resources that are suitable for tourism development, based on their physical-geographical attributes, the cultural heritage from pre-hispanic groups, architecture and gastronomy. The failure to recognize these natural and cultural resources, as well as the little interest in tourism development on the part of local governments and local inhabitants, has restrained the diversification of this activity. Therefore, the objective of this research is to evaluate the tourism resources available in these municipalities based on the multicriteria evaluation methodology. This methodology comprises a set of techniques which allow estimating various alternatives based on various criteria and priorities, and assessing those sites with the greatest tourism development potential, as well as the intrinsic characteristics of the activity, such as accessibility, equipment and infrastructure, for the identification of tourist attractions. Interviews were carried out with the governments of the municipalities involved, the Ministry of Tourism of the State of San Luis Potosi, and with the different social stakeholders of the localities studied. As a result of this methodological process, 10 areas with tourism potential were identified based on the detection of suitable sites, to be included in a tourist corridor that would include the most important attributes of the region, where there is an emerging tourism potential that would boost the local and regional tourist economy. In this sense, it can be stated that tourism will be beneficial for the municipalities to the extent that it meets the needs of tourists, is economically profitable, socially fair for the local community and environmentally friendly. The proposal of the corridor, in the planning stage, incorporates environmental, social and economic aspects and implications that foster the mobilization of goods, services, merchandise and tourists in the area, and promote the political integration and the participation of the stakeholders involved. <![CDATA[Rethinking Food Security in Mexico: Discussing the Need for Sustainable Transversal Policies Linking Food Production and Food Consumption]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300009&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Abstract: Two of the biggest challenges of humanity are to achieve global food security by reducing environmental impacts, and provide healthy diets for all people. In this paper, we discuss the complexity involved in designing solutions on food security. We focus on Mexico due to the heterogeneity of the country in relation to socioeconomic, cultural and ecological factors. First, we discuss the need to analyze food security by integrating the sustainability of both food production and food consumption. Then we describe the Mexican situation by analyzing five food production-consumption systems that illustrate the diversity of agricultural systems and dietary patterns. This analysis reveals that the pathway to achieve food security in Mexico should include sustainable food production systems and dietary patterns. The solution should be site-specific considering the ecological, socioeconomic and cultural situation, so an integrative geographical perspective is needed with a bottom-up approach; in this way, food security for future generation will not be compromised. To reach this, transversal policies involving the agricultural, health, environmental and federal agencies are required.<hr/>Resumen: Uno de los mayores desafíos de la humanidad es alcanzar la seguridad alimentaria global reduciendo los impactos ambientales y alcanzado dietas sanas para todas las personas. En este artículo, hacemos una reflexión sobre la complejidad de diseñar soluciones para la seguridad alimentaria. Nos enfocamos en México por su heterogeneidad en relación a factores socioeconómicos, culturales y ecológicos. Primero, discutimos la necesidad de analizar la seguridad alimentaria integrando la sustentabilidad de la producción y consume de alimento. Luego, describimos la situación de México al analizar cinco sistemas de producción-consumo de alimento que ilustran la diversidad de sistemas agrícolas y patrones alimenticios de México. Con este análisis demostramos que el camino para alcanzar la seguridad alimentaria debe incluir tanto un sistema productivo sustentable como una dieta sustentable. La solución debe ser sitio-específica considerando la situación socioeconómica, cultural y ecológica.; por lo que se necesita una perspectiva integral geográfica con un enfoque “bottom-up”. De esta manera, no se comprometerá la seguridad alimentaria de futuras generaciones. Para esto, se necesitas políticas transversales entre las instancias/agencias gubernamentales agrícolas, salud y ambientales federales. <![CDATA[Spatial Accessibility to cervical-cancer prevention and control services in San Luis Potosi. A proposal from the Geography of Health]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300010&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: OBJETIVO. Diseñar un método de planeación espacial del sector salud que pueda usarse cotidianamente en San Luis Potosí (SLP), acorde a las necesidades y condiciones técnicas y financieras del gobierno del estado y de los gobiernos locales. El método debe ser sencillo (acorde a las capacidades técnicas de los planificadores, sin matemáticas complicadas), y viable en términos financieros (esto es, debe evitarse trabajar con bases de datos que impliquen mantenimiento y actualizaciones con costos elevados). MÉTODOS. Deriva de la perspectiva de la geografía de la salud, que entre una de sus líneas de investigación estima la accesibilidad a los servicios médicos. Para ello se utilizó un método de interacción espacial como un indicador de la dimensión territorial del acceso potencial a los servicios de salud en tres escalas de desagregación: localidad, municipio y jurisdicción. RESULTADOS. El 73.29% de las usuarias potenciales a los servicios que ofertan las unidades médicas (UM) tiene una accesibilidad muy desfavorable, principalmente al sureste de la entidad. La distribución espacial de la oferta no se corresponde con la distribución espacial de la demanda. CONCLUSIONES. Los resultados del método evidencian la variación socioespacial del acceso a estos servicios. Se propone incorporar la accesibilidad espacial como un indicador de la dimensión territorial en salud porque permite diferenciar áreas desfavorecidas, reorganizar espacialmente los servicios, y con ello se podría atender esta disparidad que debe ser corregida por los planificadores del sector salud.<hr/>Abstract: BACKGROUND. Accessibility to health care is a key objective, internationally speaking, to the satisfaction of population health needs. Equity and quality in access to health services (WHO, 2014). Borgonovi and Compagni (2013:34) argue that "medical care should be accessible and equitable for the entire population, based on sustainable attention economically, socially and politically speaking". Recent studies that incorporate the spatial analysis show that the Cervical Cancer (CC) is a disease which evolution provides a very valuable period of time for its prevention, for that its well-timed care depends a lot on the accessibility to medical services and the spatial distribution of related socio-economic factors (Mc Grail And Lorenzo-Luaces, 2009; Cheng et al., 2011; Terán-Hernández et al., 2016a). The CC is the fourth most common cancer in women and the seventh overall in the world, affecting 528,000 individuals each year worldwide, with an age-standardised incidence rate (ASR) of 14.0 per 100,000 women. CC is reflected in different geographic distributions. It is a significant public health problem, especially in low and middle-income/Gross Domestic Product (GDP) countries. In Mexico, CC affects 13,960 women 15 years old or older (ASR 23.3, incidence rate per 100,000) annually. The incidence of CC is higher in states with high marginalisation, where women have little or no access to early detection and treatment. For example, in San Luis Potosí (SLP) state, which ranks 8th in CC mortality risk in the country (Lazcano et al., 2008) and ASR of 52.80 per 100,000. OBJECTIVE. Design a method of spatial planning in the health sector that can be used on a daily basis in San Luis Potosí (SLP). To be exact, that it meets the needs, technical, and financial conditions of the government of the State and local governments. It is proposed that the method should be: simple (the technical capabilities of planners do not cover complicated mathematics); and feasible in financial terms (e.g. avoid working with databases that involve maintenance and upgrades to high cost). METHODS. It derives from the perspective of Geography of health, which between its lines of investigations, deals with the theme to estimate global and local accessibility of medical services. We used a method of spatial interaction as an indicator of the territorial dimension in the potential access to services at three scales of territorial disaggregation: by locality, municipality and by jurisdiction. RESULTS. The 73.29% of potential users to services that offer the medical units has a very unfavourable accessibility, mainly to the southeast of the state. The spatial distribution of the offer does not correspond to the spatial distribution of demand. The only medical attention unit certified as an oncological centre and where all dysplasia cases are referred to is the Hospital Dr. Ignacio Morones Prieto or Hospital del Niño y la Mujer (in certified process), which are located in the metropolitan area of SLP city and ranks 5th and 6th according to the index of accessibility calculated in our study. For most of the women inhabiting the inner SLP states, far removed from the state capital, this hospital is not a viable option for early detection and treatment, before the illness evolves to advanced stages. Therefore, the medical units are unable to meet the demand generated in their respective areas of influence, for instance, in the southeast. CONCLUSIONS. The results of the method show the spatial variation in access to these services. It is proposed to incorporate the spatial accessibility as an indicator of the territorial dimension in health that allows differentiating disadvantaged areas, in order to spatially reorganize services, and as a result, this disparity which must be corrected by the planners in the health sector might be solved. In addition, when comparing the level of access inequality between the different levels of territorial aggregation there are very evident contrasts by what the aggregation of information could hide very different realities as our data denote, hence you should consider the spatial dimension in the planning of services and not only regulatory aspects of staffing. <![CDATA[Other Modernity, Other Geography: A Critical Interpretation of José Carlos Mariátegui’s Geographical Influences and Political Orientations]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300011&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Trabajo de campo dendrocronológico para estudios de Geografía Física. Experiencias en los volcanes Popocatépetl e Iztaccíhuatl, 2006-2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300012&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Candiani, Vera S. (2014), <em>Dreaming of Dry Land: Environmental Transformation in Colinial Mexico City</em>. Stanford university Press, Stanford, 408 pp., ISBN 978-0-8047-8805-2]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300013&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Yacoub, C., Duarte B. y Boelens, R. (Eds.) (2015), <em>Agua y ecología política. El extractivismo en la agroexportación, la minería y las hidroeléctricas en Latinoamérica</em>. (Serie Agua y Sociedad, Sección Justicia Hídrica, 22), Abya-Yala, Justicia Hídrica, Quito, Ecuador, 303 pp., ISBN 978-9942-09-264-9]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300014&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Benach, N., y A. F. A., Carlos. (eds.: 2016), <em>Horacio Capel. Pensar la ciudad en tiempos de crisis.</em> (Colección Espacios Críticos, núm. 7). Icaria Editorial, Barcelona, 300 pp., ISBN:978-84-9888-718-1]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300015&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Ibarra García, M. V. e I. Escamilla Herrera (Coord.). (2016), <em>Geografías feministas de diversas latitudes. Orígenes, desarrollo y temáticas contemporáneas</em>. (Colección: Geografía para el siglo XXI, Serie: Textos Universitarios, núm. 18), México, Instituto de Geografía, Facultad de Filosofía y Letras, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México. 239 pp., ISBN: 978-607-02-8506-6]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300016&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Crespo Guerrero, J. M. (2016), <em>Organización administrativa y acción política sobre el recurso caza mayor en España (1939-1975). El caso de la provincia de Jaén</em>. Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Jaén, 294 pp., ISBN 978-84-9159-000-2]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300017&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Boudreau, J. A. (2017). <em>Global Urban Politics: Informalization of the State</em>. Montreal, Cambridge: Polity Press. 248 pp., ISBN 978-0-7456-8549-6]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300018&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[María Teresa Gutierrez de McGregor (1927-2017) <em>In Memoriam</em>]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300019&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Anne Buttimer (Cork, 1938 - Dublin, 2017): <em>Obituary</em>]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300020&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Congreso Miradas Convergentes sobre la Ciudad, siglos XVI al XXI, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, Centro Cultural Universitario, Centro Histórico, Morelia, Michoacán, 14 al 16 de agosto de 2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300021&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[1st International Conference of Anarchist Geographies and Geographers (ICAGG) – Geography, social change and antiauthoritarian practices. Centro Studi Cucine del Popolo, Reggio Emilia, Italy, 21-23 September 2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300022&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Primer Coloquio sobre la actividad pesquera en México: La Pesca Comercial de Ribera: oportunidades y conflictividades. Instituto de Geografía, UNAM. Ciudad Universitaria, Cd. Mx., 21 y 22 de septiembre de 2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300023&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[Primer Coloquio Ordenamientos y Demarcaciones territoriales. Viejas y nuevas geografías. Centro Universitario de la Costa Sur, Universidad de Guadalajara, Centro Estatal de Análisis Territorial y El Colegio de Jalisco. Autlán de Navarro, Jalisco, 21al 23 de septiembre 2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300024&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences. <![CDATA[VI Coloquio Internacional de Geografía Ambiental: en el décimo aniversario de la creación del Centro de Investigaciones en Geografía Ambiental de la UNAM. Morelia, Michoacán, 26 y 27 de septiembre 2017.]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000300025&lng=pt&nrm=iso&tlng=pt Resumen: Este artículo explica y defiende una interpretación crítica del origen epistemológico de las principales operaciones geográficas que elaboró José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930), reconociendo su contexto histórico particular y las condiciones de la geografía de la época. Más allá de las escasas referencias que abordan perspectivas geográficas dentro del pensamiento de Mariátegui (Ruiz, 2003; Méndez, 2016; Sanjinés, 2009), se enfatiza situar este objeto a partir de la disputa por la modernidad y el proyecto político-intelectual que encarnó el pensador peruano. Lejos del inventario de regiones naturales o históricas, legitimadas en el positivismo y el nacionalismo republicano, Mariátegui recreó a la geografía a partir de las prácticas sociales e históricas de la realidad peruana. Es decir, sus fuentes y direcciones geográficas son sacudidas y transformadas a partir de un proceso categorial más amplio que se vincula a su propia trayectoria política y analítica: el rechazo tajante al positivismo como única forma válida de conocimiento y la construcción de un socialismo antiimperialista que se organiza en la propia realidad peruana. Implícitamente, así, Mariátegui proyectó una modernidad alternativa que significó reincorporar el problema de la subjetividad a la comprensión de la realidad geográfica y abrir una geografía en diálogo con un proyecto político socialista fundamentado en las diferencias geográficas o provinciales (Flores Galindo, 1980). Esto implicó, entre otras cosas, que el espacio y el tiempo en Mariátegui son siempre posibilidades abiertas a la política y a la imaginación (Germaná, 1994). He aquí una fuente significativa de sus influencias geográficas.<hr/>Abstract: Scholars have consistently overlooked the problem of geographic relationships in the work of José Carlos Mariátegui (1894-1930).This silence can be summarized into two fundamental dynamics: Mariátegui’s scarce reference in the geographical field and the predominance of historiographic, sociological, and literary approaches to his work. This article aims to question such inertia and bridge the gap between Mariátegui and Latin American geographical thought. It critically interprets the epistemic origin of Mariátegui’s foremost geographical notions, recognizing the particular historical context and state of geography during the first decades of the twentieth century. Against the Eurocentric approaches of his time, Mariátegui was one of the first intellectuals to express thought from and for Latin America, but without neglecting fundamental contributions of European and Western traditions (Urquijo y Bocco, 2016). Indeed, Mariátegui questioned the possibility of an absolute Latin American or Latin Americanist thought, all the while confronting the challenge of understanding the “reality” of his country, constructing innovative theses on Peruvian society and culture in which, evidently, geography was not exempt. In his seminal work, Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana (Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, 1928), Mariátegui explains the antagonism and inequality between the coast and the sierra, he identifies the coexistence of three forms of economies (indigenous, colonial, and capitalist) that articulate different social geographies, and he outlines regional problems stemming from political alliances on different social levels, among other issues. Closely examining these analytical positions reveals a powerful geographic and human sensitivity yet to be explored in Mariátegui’s thought, as well as the need to critically examine their argumentative origins. To date, the scarce research on theoretical relationships between Mariátegui and geography have only referred to three aspects of this problem. First of all, that Mariátegui’s geographical influence comes from certain liberal intellectuals, reflected in a physicist and economist-oriented vision of geography, based on localization and industrial growth of the positive “regions” (Ruiz, 2011: 144). Second of all, that Mariátegui elaborated a racist vision of Peru’s territory based on the critical dualism of coast/white and sierra/indigenous, which avoided other interregional racial differences (Méndez, 2016). Thirdly, that Mariátegui’s unique perception of geographic differences was circumscribed to the social and economic differences of Peruvian reality (Sanjinés, 2009). However, none of these proposals extensively analyze the situation of geography in Mariátegui’s particular debate on modern imaginaries, focusing on other subjects of study that stray from strictly epistemological discussions of geography. Therefore, our proposal analyzes and explains the source of Mariátegui’s geographic mechanism. Far from the kind of geography produced during the Republic or positivist inventories of natural and historical regions, Mariátegui recreates geography based on social and historical practices of Peruvian reality. In other words, he rids geography of its traditional sources and directions, transforming the discipline from a much larger categorical process that connects his own political trajectory and analytical exploration: he unambiguously rejects positivism as the only valid form of knowledge and attempts to construct an anti-imperialist socialism apt for Peruvian reality. Similarly, both positions are part of an alternative model of modernity which is defended and constructed from new content, such as recovering the value of indigenous roots for the future and challenging nationalisms that surrender to foreign capital and exploit indigenous communities. Therefore, Mariátegui’s modernity implied profoundly questioning the dominant spatial order of nationalism and the possibility of revising the still prevalent colonial margins and representations. In other words, Mariátegui incorporated the problem of subjectivity into comprehending geographic reality in an age when geography was practiced without social subjects. Furthermore, he advocated for a socialist political project that integrated both regional-indigenous and urban-workers, crucial for a modernization that had always reflected geographic and provincial differences (Flores Galindo, 1980). Definitively, Mariátegui’s conceptions of space and time are consistently open to political and imaginative possibilities (Germaná, 1994). As this article argues, such elements are key sources of Mariátegui’s geographical influences.