Scielo RSS <![CDATA[Investigaciones geográficas]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/rss.php?pid=0188-461120170002&lang=en vol. num. 93 lang. en <![CDATA[SciELO Logo]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/img/en/fbpelogp.gif http://www.scielo.org.mx <![CDATA[Editorial]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200001&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en <![CDATA[On the relationship between landforms and land use in tropical dry developing countries. A GIS and multivariate statistical approach]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200002&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Abstract: Geomorphological inquiry has addressed the relation of cultural landscape features, such as land use, with landforms in different environments and under different land use regimes. Usually, these complex relationships have been pursuit by simple map overlaying in a geographic information system (GIS). This research argues that the results of map overlaying need to be followed by statistical analyses to properly depict the nature of such relationships. The paper explores the quantitative relation between landforms and land use in a highly geographically complex region in the tropical dry Mexican Pacific coast. Data collection encompassed two phases: preliminary satellite image interpretation, and field verification and ground survey. Digitized and orthorectified layers were incorporated and overlain in a GIS. Correspondence Analysis (CA) was used to identify correlations among land uses and landforms. Results showed a significant correspondence between geomorphic and land use entities. Fluvial landforms were associated to simpler patterns of human activity. Denudational landforms, on the other hand, depicted more complex and diverse land use patterns. Agricultural and grazing activities occurred in both gentle, fluvial landforms, and steep denudational landforms. Results were discussed in the light of their relevance for land use planning. This approach may strengthen decision making procedures particularly in such areas where applied geographic data need to be created to perform sound land use planning at the local scale.<hr/>Resumen: Las investigaciones geomorfológicas han estudiado la relación entre los aspectos culturales del paisaje, como los usos del suelo, con las geoformas en diferentes contextos geográficos. De manera más específica, estas líneas de investigación se han enfocado a la manera como el terreno condiciona las actividades humanas. El estudio de estas relaciones, que generalmente son complejas, ha tendido a simplificarse a partir de meras sobreposiciones cartográficas en los sistemas de información geográfica (SIG). El presente artículo argumenta que los resultados de la sobreposición de datos geográficos pueden beneficiarse, para comprender los resultados, de un análisis de estadística multivariada. Estos análisis permiten interpretar la naturaleza de las relaciones espaciales entre los diferentes elementos que conforman el paisaje. Por lo tanto, se exploró el grado de correlación cuantitativa entre geoformas y usos del suelo en una región tropical seca de la costa Pacífico mexicana. Se eligió al valle bajo de Nexpa, en la región Sierra-Costa del estado de Michoacán, como caso de estudio por su grado de complejidad morfogenética y por su composición litológica y estructural heterogénea. La colecta de datos se realizó en dos fases: una fase preliminar de interpretación de imágenes satelitales (Quickbird 2008) y una fase de verificación en campo y levantamiento del terreno. La clasificación del relieve se hizo utilizando pares estereoscópicos impresos a una escala 1:10 000. Los datos de uso del suelo, por otra parte, se interpretaron utilizando los datos de cubierta del terreno como insumo. Posteriormente, se clasificaron estos datos a partir de técnicas de levantamiento participativo y etnografía de campo. Las capas de información geográfica fueron digitalizadas, vectorizadas e incorporadas a un SIG. De esta forma, se pudo obtener una matriz con los datos de sobreposición espacial de los polígonos. Posteriormente, se aplicó un Análisis de Correspondencia (AC) que fue utilizado para identificar el grado de correlación entre usos y geoformas. Los resultados muestran una correspondencia significativa entre diferentes entidades. Se aplicó un primer AC con todas las clases del terreno. Los resultados revelaron que la “planicie costera” y el “lecho mayor” se asocian, mayormente, a usos como la pesca artesanal, el nado y las actividades turísticas. Una segunda etapa fue aplicada excluyendo las clases de “planicie costera” y “lecho mayor”, que capturaron demasiada varianza en el primer análisis. La prueba posterior develó mayor detalle en asociaciones espaciales más finas y menos evidentes en el paisaje. Las geoformas de origen fluvial se asociaron con patrones más simples de actividad humana. Como contraparte, en las geoformas de denudación, el análisis reveló patrones más complejos y diversos con los usos del suelo. Las actividades agrícolas y ganaderas se presentaron, de diferentes maneras, tanto en geoformas fluviales como en las de denudación. Los usos forestales no maderables, como la caza y la extracción de leña, se asociaron con áreas de mayor pendiente y podrían haber favorecido ciertos procesos de conservación del bosque tropical seco en el área. Esta última interpretación requiere de un análisis a mayor profundidad. Los resultados se discutieron en término de su relevancia y utilidad para la planeación territorial. Este enfoque podría fortalecer los procedimientos espaciales para la toma de decisiones, particularmente en áreas en donde los datos de geografía aplicada se requieren para el sondeo de usos y actividades a escala local. <![CDATA[Statistical and conventional validation models in determining the spatial variation of soil fertility South pacific Costa Rica]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200003&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Con el fin de validar los modelos geoestadísticos y convencionales generados a partir de una base de análisis químicos de suelos, se realizó un meta-análisis de los datos y se estimó el semivariograma de mejor ajuste para utilizar el método de interpolación Kriging, que permitió representar la variabilidad espacial de la fertilidad de los suelos, de uso agropecuario, de una parte de la región Pacífico Sur de Costa Rica. Para ello se utilizó una base de datos de análisis químicos de suelos disponible y proveniente de los cantones de Corredores, Golfito y Osa, los cuales están ubicados en la región antes mencionada de Costa Rica. Las áreas que se seleccionaron para el presente estudio, estuvieron dedicadas a los cultivos de palma aceitera, arroz, forestales y otros que fueron denominados como “cultivos varios”. El área está conformada fundamentalmente por suelos de origen aluvial en las partes bajas y suelos más desarrollados en las zonas de piedemonte; dentro del área dominan suelos del orden inceptisol, ultisol, entisol y una pequeña mancha de andisol. Para la investigación se eligieron los valores obtenidos en las variables pH, acidez intercambiable, Ca, Mg, K, P, Zn, Cu, Fe y Mn, a los cuales se les realizó análisis de frecuencias, separaciones de medias, correlaciones y análisis de componentes principales (CP). Posteriormente se interpolaron los valores de las variables elegidas mediante el método de Kriging ordinario, continuadamente se realizaron 4 tipos de validaciones de la interpolación entre estas: validación de campo, validación cruzada y se procedió a calcular los errores para cada validación de las interpolaciones, estos errores se le restaron al valor original de cada observación para generar una nueva interpolación y realizar de nuevo una validación de campo y una validación cruzada. Los resultados de las interpolaciones se analizaron mediante el promedio absoluto del error (PAE), promedio del cuadrado del error (PCE), efectividad de predicción (E) y determinación (r2). Los resultados demostraron un alto coeficiente de variación principalmente para la acidez intercambiable, y los nutrimentos Mg, K, P, Zn, Cu Fe y Mn. El análisis de frecuencia mostró que todos los nutrimentos poseen distribuciones anormales y tendencias entre los percentiles 25 y 75, sin embargo, el pH mostro una distribución normal. Al separar estadísticamente las medias de los valores en los nutrimentos según cada cultivo, se encontró que en los suelos dedicados al cultivo del arroz determinó el mayor contenido de pH (6,0), Ca (26,8 cmol (+) L−1), Mg (10,6 cmol (+) L−1) y Mn (34,2 mg L−1), mientras que los dedicados al cultivo de palma aceitera mostraron mayor concentración en la acidez intercambiable (0,5 cmol (+) L−1), K (0,8 cmol (+) L−1), P (13,1 mg L−1), Zn (2,8 mg L−1) y Fe (99,8 mg L−1) significativamente (α = 0.05). Entre las correlaciones según la prueba de Spearman se encontró relaciones proporcionales entre las bases Ca, Mg, y K y una correlación inversamente proporcional entre el pH y Acidez intercambiable y K y P en los suelos. El resto de manejos tuvieron valores intermedios y muy variables. El análisis de CP explicó un 60.8% de la variación de los nutrimentos en el pacífico sur, donde se encontró una relación entre los cultivos forestales y cultivos varios entre las dimensiones CP1 y CP2, el cual relacionó el comportamiento de K y P con palma aceitera y el pH con Arroz. En las dimensiones CP2 y CP3 mostró una relación de Fe y Cu con palma aceitera y pH con cultivos varios. Se determinó que la acidez, pH y los contenidos de Mg y K asimilable, se relacionaron fuertemente de acuerdo al manejo nutricional que es característico de cada cultivo y particularmente el contenido de Ca, dependió principalmente a la génesis del suelo. La validación de las interpolaciones en los nutrimentos determinó que los parámetros PAE, PCE, E y r2 mostraron mayor precisión al restar el error de las interpolaciones, mejorándose sustancialmente la predicción. Por otro lado, la validación cruzada, luego de restar los errores de interpolación, mostró el mejor ajuste de interpolación en comparación a validación de campo y ambas validaciones, mejor estimación que sin la resta de los errores en la distribución de nutrimentos en los suelos aluviales de la costa del Pacifico Sur. Se concluye que la información de los mapas construidos a partir de las interpolaciones realizadas, representó de muy buena manera la variabilidad espacial nivel regional de las variables evaluadas, lo cual confirma que esta herramienta es funcional para trabajos importantes en el desarrollo de diagnóstico de problemas de nutrimentos en los suelos o bien condiciones de fertilidad para la región de estudio y otras regiones donde se cuente con información de suelos espacialmente referenciada.<hr/>Abstract: The study validates geo-statistical and conventional models for a soil fertility data set of the South Pacific agricultural lands in the coastal plains of Costa Rica. A metha-analysis was conducted and a best adjustment semivariogram employed to allow using Kriging interpolation. Statistical analysis included frequency distribution, means estimates, correlations and principal components analysis (CP). Values of selected variables were interpolated by ordinary Kriging following four consecutive validation types: field validation, cross validation, errors calculated for each interpolation of validations, subtraction of errors from original data observations, generation of a new field validation, and subsequent cross validation. Interpolations results were analyzed using error absolute average (PAE), error mean square (PCE), prediction affectivity (E) and determination (r2). The data set included soil available information of the counties Corredores, Golfito and Osa previously planted to oil palm, rice, forest and few other crops (named “cultivos varios”). Soils are mainly of alluvial origin in lower positions but with a little more development in the distal part of the hillsides, to include mainly Inceptisols, Ultisols, Entisols and a few Andisols. Variables investigated include pH, exchangeable acidity, Ca, Mg, K, P, Zn, Cu, Fe and Mn. Results shows high variation coefficients mainly for exchangeable acidity and availability of Mg, K, P, Zn, Cu Fe y Mn. Frequency analysis demonstrated abnormal distributions for all elements and tendencies between 25 and 75 percentiles however but normal for pH values. Mean values of variables by crops showed higher numbers under rice plantations pH (6.0), Ca (26.8 cmol (+) L−1), Mg (10.6 cmol (+) L−1) and Mn (34.2 mg L−1). Values for oil palm plantations were significantly higher (α = 005) for exchangeable acidity (0.5 cmol (+) L−1), K (0.8 cmol (+) L−1), P (13.1 mg L−1), Zn (2.8 mg L−1) y Fe (99.8 mg L−1). Spearman correlation analysis found proportional relationships between Ca, Mg, and K and inverse proportional correlation between pH y exchangeable acidity and soil available K and P. Other crops (“cultivos varios”) showed highly variable intermediate values. CP analysis explained 60.8% of nutrients variability in the study area with a relation between forest and other crops among CP1 and CP2 dimensions, probably related to the behavior of K and P under oil palm pH in rice fields. A relationship was also found among dimensions CP2 and CP3 for Fe and Cu under oil palm and pH under other crops. It was determined that soil acidity, pH and availability of Mg and K were strongly related to the nutritional management practices of the different crops and that of Ca particularly to the soil genesis on calcareous materials. Nutrients interpolation validation determined that PAE, PCE, E and r2 values improved prediction after removing interpolation errors. Corss validation after substration of interpolation errors showed the best interpolation adjustment as compared to field validation and both validations, and better estimation not subtracting nutrients distribution errors in the alluvial coastal plains of the South Pacific Costa Rica. It is concluded that the information provided by the maps build after interpolations well represent the special variability of the evaluated variables. This confirm that the tools employed is functional to develop relevant works in the diagnosis of nutrient problems in soils or soil fertility conditions for a region and other s similar with spatially referenced soil data. <![CDATA[The visual component in the landscape cartography. Landscape aptitude for protection in the Chiquito river basin (Morelia, Michoacán)]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200004&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Este trabajo aborda el tratamiento del aspecto visual en la cartografía del paisaje, repasa los antecedentes epistemológicos de la materia y dedica un apartado a los referidos a México, país con escasa tradición en este tipo de análisis. Tras ello, el artículo se centra en el caso aplicado de análisis de los paisajes de la cuenca del río Chiquito (Morelia, Michoacán), desde la perspectiva visual y con metodologías indirectas, cuantitativas y objetivables. Las fases del estudio son: a) delimitación de Unidades Visuales de Paisaje en función del concepto de “cuenca visual”, que serán las unidades territoriales sobre las cuales se hagan los posteriores análisis paisajísticos; b) establecimiento de tipos de paisaje, entendidos como el resultado de la combinación de los elementos bióticos y abióticos que configuran el paisaje, sean naturales o antrópicos; c) estudios de visibilidad, tanto de la intrínseca (según el condicionante topográfico) como de la accesibilidad visual (dependiente del número de observadores) y ampliando el análisis a la visibilidad de los impactos negativos; d) análisis de cualidades clave para la incorporación del paisaje al ordenamiento territorial, como son la calidad, la fragilidad y la aptitud de los paisajes, con sus respectivas valoraciones y zonificaciones. Todo ello se expresa cartográficamente, siendo la escala de trabajo 1:25 000. Entre las conclusiones puede destacarse la propuesta de preservación de ciertos paisajes de acuerdo con sus elevados valores de calidad y fragilidad. También se proponen las unidades que, en caso de necesidad, podrían acoger actuaciones con incidencia territorial sin grave quebranto paisajístico.<hr/>Abstract: In this work, the main concept of landscape are two. The first is the definition that the Dictionary of the Royal Academy of Language provides: “part of a territory that can be observed from a certain place”, where it can be seen that the main verb which supports the definition is observe, it is, making use of the sense of sight. The second meaning is the one proposed by The European Landscape Convention. “ any part of the territory as it is perceived by the population whose character will be the action and the interaction of natural and/or humans”. The definition (taken by UNESCO or la Carta Mexicana del Paisaje) it relates nature and culture and concern the way and the environment where people live. It also integrates attributes such as territory, citizen’s perceptions and the historical character, genetic and dynamic. This explicit mention of perception blends with the visual component in the landscape that we are discussing. This work tackles the visual treatment in the cartography landscape, revises the previous epistemological records of the subject and dedicates one section to those referred to Mexico, a country barely familiar with this type of analysis despite its abundant production in applied studies of landscape and interesting theoretical-conceptual contributions. In order to incorporate visual landscape studies in Mexican territorial management policies, it has been selected an indirect and quantitative method that analyzes the landscape on the basis of the various elements that compose it and breaking down it according to criteria that try to be objective. This has an important key: the modernization of the visual variable in the landscape. When we refer to this, it is mentioned the analysis executed on a territory related to its possibilities to be observed and to set down those spaces that are more seen than others, which areas are more visually understandable; definitely Visibility to the territorial studies. Although the utility of the visibility maps covers various lines of research and application, it is in landscape studies with purposes to the territorial planning where it has had the most development and acceptance from the scientific point of view. In search of these reflections, the article focuses on the applied case analysis of the landscapes of the basin of the Chiquito river (Morelia, Michoacán). The phases of this study are: A) Delimitation of the landscape visual units according to the function of the concept “visual basin”, those territorial units where the following landscapes analysis will be developed. B) Establishment of the different kinds of landscapes, known as the result of the biotic and abiotic elements combination that put together the landscape, without to taking into account if they are natural or anthropic. C) Anthropic visibility studies, both intrinsic (according to the topographic determinant) and visual accessibility (according to the spectator’s number) widen the analysis to the visibility of the negative impacts. D) Important qualities analysis for the landscape inclusion into the territorial system like the quality, the fragility, and the aptitude of the landscape, with its respective valuation and zoning. The following are: - The quality of the landscape: the excellence degree of its constituent characters, it means the achievement not to be altered or destroyed, in the search for the preservation of the visual resource and the maintenance of its essence and structure. - The fragility of the landscape: the capacity of the absorption of different environmental components, for example, their potential to absorb human actions or to be visually disturbed by them. - The ability of the landscape: the suitability of a particular landscape for hosting activities or actions, both in the present or the future, without endangering its preservation. In this case, the fitness of the basin of Chiquito river has been analyzed in order to reach sort of protection. In other words, identifying which landscape units should be protected to preserve their existing visual and environmental characteristics. All that expressed in the cartography way, with a work scale of 1: 25.000. To conclude, it is important to note the suggestion of some landscapes conservation according to its high quality and fragility values. On the other hand there is the propound of landscape units that in case of need could be adhere to actions with territorial events without serious landscape loss. <![CDATA[Theoretical and methodological contributions for an Early Warning System of socio-environmental conflicts. The case of the Mirador Project, Ecuador]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200005&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: En el presente artículo se describe el diseño teórico y metodológico de un Modelo de Monitoreo de Conflictos Socioambientales con un Sistema de Alerta Temprana (MMCS-SAT) en el cantón El Pangui, Ecuador. Este modelo surge a partir de la creciente conflictividad socioambiental en el cantón influida por la llegada de la minería a gran escala. Diseñado dentro del marco teórico de los estudios sobre paz y conflictos, su objetivo principal es el monitoreo de variables clave para facilitar la identificación y el manejo no violento de los conflictos socioambientales a través del análisis de datos estadísticos y de las percepciones de la población local. Los resultados preliminares obtenidos constatan puntos de interés del MMCS-SAT como herramienta metodológica para el análisis e intervención en conflictos socioambientales. Como conclusión más relevante destacamos la pertinencia de la combinación de fuentes cualitativas y cuantitativas como propuesta metodológica para detectar conflictos potencialmente violentos, aunque se presentan ciertas limitaciones a la hora de emitir alertas tempranas de forma efectiva.<hr/>Abstract: The article describes the theoretical and methodological design of an innovative Socio-environmental Conflicts Monitoring Model with an Early Warning System (SCMM+EWS) in El Pangui, Ecuador. The design of this model is a response to the growing socio-environmental tensions and disputes in the canton, influenced by the advent of large-scale mining. This mega-project, named “el Mirador”, is carried out by the Chinese consortium Ecua Corrientes S.A. (ECSA). It launches a transformation process that inevitably affects the use and exploitation of natural resources (land and water) and generates serious social and environmental conflicts, which have led to a strong resistance movement in the area. However, residents in favor of mining still expect the project to bring progress and economic development to the canton, through new sources of employment and investment by the national government. This generates a high rate of division and social conflict in relation to large-scale mining, which has resulted in several episodes of violence in recent years. Under these conditions of tension and violence, a special concern arises from academia and civil society organizations to contribute to non-violent management of these conflicts. From the Observatorio de Conflictos Socioambientales of the Technical University of Loja, and with support from the German Technical Cooperation (GIZ), we decided to launch an intervention combining academic vision with fieldwork, in close collaboration with institutional actors and civil society at the local level. The SCMM+EWS has been designed within the theoretical framework of the Peace and Conflicts Studies. Model implementation is a participatory process for systematic collection of quantitative and qualitative data, its multiparcial analysis and targeted dissemination. Its methodological proposal relies on the analysis of statistical data and perceptions of the local population, by monitoring a series of key social and environmental variables. The monitoring is carried out using two main methods: statistical data collection reports and official reports; and research of perception and satisfaction of the local population on the variables through surveys. In order to get a more reliable diagnosis of the perception of the population, qualitative research is carried out in parallel through in-depth interviews with key actors. With the information obtained, the need for issuance of an Early Warning report to the competent authorities (at local, provincial and state-level) can be defined. In the period analyzed, the results showed a high degree of dissatisfaction with the mining company, which generated several conflicts. These results were obtained matching information from both qualitative (interviews with local inhabitants) and quantitative sources (perception indicators), and finally contributed to the issuance of the two Early Warning reports. The first Early Warning report was issued on March 27, 2015 and was based on the information gathered about the event of socialization of the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) of the Mirador project, which warned of a possible violent anti-mining protest. The second report was issued on September 30, 2015, on the occasion of evictions in the Parish of Tundayme of families who had not sold their land to the company ECSA. In this case, the issuing of the report didn’t work out effectively. Taking all this into account, preliminary results point out the validity of the model as a suitable methodological tool for monitoring socio-environmental conflicts. Our findings highlight the pertinence of the methodological combination of qualitative and quantitative sources in order to identify potentially violent conflicts. We also have to point out that certain limitations are presented in the Model. For the purpose of identifying conflicts at an advanced stage, the information obtained through interviews have proved more effective than analysis derived from data provided by the indicators. Regarding the process to provide early warnings, we have also found some difficulties in order to carrying it out effectively. This issue is also being reviewed in the Model to propose adjustments and refine the methodology. In conclusion, we highlight that the combination of quantitative indicators of perception with qualitative information from interviews, provides relevant information to identify potential violent escalation of conflicts. We believe that the model can help to ensure more effective decision making at the local level on the socio-environmental conflicts, promoting collaboration among local institutions, academia and civil society. <![CDATA[Integrated environmental assessment of the areas registered in the federal program of Payment for Hydrological Environmental Services. Case Study: Ajusco, Mexico]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200006&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: A partir del reconocimiento de la deforestación como un problema mundial se han creado mecanismos de compensación por servicios ecosistémicos (SE) que han recibido un creciente interés de parte de la academia y de los gobiernos durante los últimos años. Sin embargo, se detecta una falta de estudios de sus potenciales efectos, sobre todo desde el enfoque ambiental integrativo y espacial. Por lo tanto en este trabajo se presenta el estudio de caso de la comunidad de San Miguel y Santo Tomás Ajusco, ubicada en la periferia de la Ciudad de México, la cual ha participado en el programa federal de Pago por Servicios Ambientales Hidrológicos (PSAH) desde el año 2004. El enfoque teórico conceptual del trabajo incorpora las nociones de los SE y pasa revista al estado de la cuestión en término de las publicaciones, en particular sobre el tema de la evaluación integrada de los efectos ambientales de los mecanismos de compensación por los SE. La metodología utilizada se basó en la construcción de perfiles longitudinales (a los que se les incorporan capas temáticas de información geográfica), a partir de los cuales se analizó la correspondencia entre el potencial de ofrecimiento de los SE y las zonas inscritas en el programa; también se observó la relación de la deforestación detectada en la zona. Se desplegó la cartografía de SA con los polígonos de PSAH y se encontró correspondencia entre los sitios inscritos en PSAH y las zonas con mayor potencial de SA (salvo para una superficie de 236.7 hectáreas). Sin embargo, en muchos casos, los valores más altos de SA no corresponden con los recursos hídrológicos, pues están más asociados a otros, lo que ayuda a concluir que el programa PSAH debe considerar otras variables y no restringirse a SA asociados a la hidrología. Finalmente, se revisaron dos estudios de cuantificación de la cubierta forestal con respecto a los sitios inscritos en el Programa de PSAH y los resultados muestran que se ha mantenido la deforestación y que las áreas deforestadas dentro de las zonas inscritas en el programa son mayores que las que no lo han estado. Aunque se identificaron factores que pudieron contribuir a este proceso, se concluye que un programa como el PSAH, implementado de manera aislada, no tiene la incidencia esperada en la deforestación.<hr/>Abstract: Since the specific problem of deforestation on an international level, they have created compensation mechanisms for ecosystem services, which have recently been increasing interest in the academic and government sectors, however, a lack of information on their potential effects is detected, especially from the aspects of integrative approach and spatial. Therefore, this work presents the case study of the community of San Miguel and Santo Tomas Ajusco, located on the suburbs of México City, because the community has participated in the federal program payments for hydrological environmental services (PHES) since 2004. Based on the construction of longitudinal profiles (which are incorporated thematic geographic information layers) we analyzed if there is correspondence between the potential of ecosystem services and enrolled in the program areas. In addition, the effectiveness of the program regarding deforestation detected in the area was observed. For the profiling, it is noticed the exercise of combining the different layers selected for analysis, forming a two-dimensional model that allows us to appreciate the altitudinal gradient of the area with its biophysical components (vegetation and land use, soil science, geology and landforms highlights) with information environmental Services (ES). This facilitates the analysis of all these variables and has the advantage that it can be adapted to the number of variables we have, since they must only be incorporated to the profile (with pretreatment data). The profiles helped to identify whether registered in the PHES program areas correspond to the most important areas for the provision of environmental services; however, a complementary work was developed consisting of a map which would bring together the most important areas for the contribution of ES; This was generated by applying the statistical model of Jenks’ Natural Breaks “(which allows to discriminate classes by the similarity of values that compose them), in the layers of ES that it had (potential infiltration, carbon stock in forests, surface runoff and provision of habitat), establishing quantitative 5 for each category. The criterion model allow standardize classes; therefore, quantitative categories were matched to (very low, low, medium, high and very high) qualitative categories. Then the “high” and “very high” categories were selected and merged into a map with software tools Arc. MAP 10.1. denominating as “high priority areas for ecosystem services”. ES mapping was deployed with PHES polygons and correspondence between sites on PHES and areas with greatest potential for ES (except for an area of 236.7 hectares) was found. However, in many cases, the highest values of ES not correspond to water resources, as they are more associated with vegetation and biodiversity (carbon stock in forestsand provision of habitat), which helps to conclude that the PHES program should consider other variables and not be restricted to the ES associated with hydrology. Two studies on quantifying forest cover were reviewed in the area (one covers from 1986 to 2010, with a projection to 2030 and the other from 2006 to 2014). The information regarding sites on PHES Program and the result shows that deforestation has remained revised (although the rate decreased in the period 2006-2014) and deforested areas within enrolled in the program areas PHES are greater than those who have not been. Although factors that could contribute to the process are identified, it is concluded that a program like PHES implemented in an isolated manner, has no bearing on the problem of deforestation. Finally, the importance of obtaining the map “high priority areas for ecosystem services”, the most environmentally important areas are identified and this helps manage PHES expanding areas and get other resources or protection status in areas with natural ecosystems. <![CDATA[Of monte, milpa, and sugarcane. Perceived transformations of landscapes in coastal Chiapas]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200007&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Entre los servicios de los ecosistemas se encuentran los de tipo cultural, y en concreto el valor estético del paisaje y la identidad. Más allá de la relación directa de las comunidades con el territorio, también existe un vínculo cultural, basado en valores objetivos y subjetivos, relacionado con la memoria histórica y el sentimiento de identidad. A partir de la revisión bibliográfica y de entrevistas realizadas a la población adulta mayor que habita comunidades en la Reserva de Biosfera La Encrucijada (Chiapas, México), se reconstruyen procesos de cambio del paisaje desde la perspectiva histórica con énfasis en las últimas décadas. Los paisajes que observamos en la actualidad son resultado de un proceso dinámico de interacción y transformación donde se aplican y solapan distintas políticas públicas con la apropiación del territorio por parte de la población, dando como resultado los paisajes actuales de la costa de Chiapas, con zonas conservadas y otras deforestadas y modificadas para el uso ganadero y agrícola, comprometiendo los servicios de los ecosistemas de la costa. Las poblaciones locales perciben estos cambios y transformaciones de los paisajes. La problemática ambiental presente es compleja y dinámica. Resultan necesarios mecanismos de cooperación y coordinación entre las distintas instancias gubernamentales, el sector privado y la población local, acompañados del sector académico, para permitir así el diálogo de saberes y alcanzar las mejores alternativas posibles.<hr/>Abstract: Cultural services are a category of ecosystemic services consisting in the provision by the landscape of esthetic and identity values. The conceptual framework of ecosystemic services (ES) is proposed as a powerful approach to be considered in public environmental policies, currently oriented towards human wellbeing (Bennet et al., 2015; López-Santiago et al., 2014; De Groot et al., 2010; Chan et al., 2011; Fisher et al., 2009; Oropeza et al., 2015). But studies made about ecosystemic services have focused in biophysical and economic assessments, relegating cultural values, meanings, and preferences (Müller et al. 2010:2; Lamarque et al., 2011; Martín-López et al., 2014). Due to the importance of the perception by local population of the transformations of the cultural landscape in which they inhabit, in this writing we will hence focus in the cultural category of ES From a descriptive perspective, the landscape expresses the numerous interactions existing between society and the territory, its conformation being the result of natural and human factors reciprocally interacting through time. The abundant richness of natural resources of Mexico, and of the state of Chiapas, has been indiscriminately exploited along history, and more intensely so in recent times. Large scale exploitation of resources has been justified as a mean for reaching to economic prosperity, depleting resources without concern for the immediate future. We herein present the case study of the ejido Tzinacal in the municipality of Huixtla in the state of Chiapas, that being located within the La Encrucijada Biosphere Reserve becomes paradigmatic for studying the effects of the concurrence of conservation and development policies, as well as the perception of the population regarding changes in the landscapes produced as a consequence of application of such policies along time. The main objective of our research was to identify the perceptions of the population inhabiting the Biosphere Reserves regarding changes in the landscape. Tzinacal had a population of 635 inhabitants (319 men and 316 women). The locality belongs to the municipality of Huixtla. Its total surface area being then of 5,450 ha. The main productive activities in the ejido are agriculture and farming, fishing being a minor activity. The application of 23 semi-structured interviews allowed for identifying the attitudes and perceptions of the elder population regarding their landscapes and their relation with their surrounding environment. During the early 20th century the development of the region was imprinted by the railroad and the Pan-American Highway that opened the coastal region to the rest of Mexico and to Central America. The Coast of Chiapas region produces mainly maize, beans, sesame, rice, sugar cane, and fruits such as cantaloupe, watermelon, and pineapple mostly for self-consumption. Deforestation and land use change continue to intensely alter ecosystems, and the migratory processes accelerated by the expansion of the communications network lead to a process of transculturation and alteration of traditional models of appropriation of natural resources. In the last decades of the 20th century the cultivation of the African oil palm (Elaeis guineensis), sesame, rubber, and sugarcane was promoted through various governmental institutions, increasing the pressure upon local rural communities. The generalized discourse among farmers inhabiting the zone is in favor of development, regardless of environmental conservation. But there is also a feeling of longing for what was before. And it is not that the opinion of inhabitants is completely divided, a person can talk about the initiatives for planting sugarcane or palms, and later on be talking with nostalgia about how the forest and the animals in it used to be. The region began to be colonized having in mind settling, building houses, working the land, and forming a community. Influenced by governmental initiatives, local farmers began planting what was more profitable (rice, sesame, sugarcane, African oil palm). Grazing of cattle is a growing activity, but if management forms do not guarantee the functions and services of ecosystems within the protected area, ecosystems will be severely altered. All these processes have led to the destruction of the vegetation and the alteration of natural cycles –such as climatic cycles, which in turn is influenced by global processes–. We currently see in the area landscapes that have been degraded and lessened ecosystemic services; processes of landscape transformation that are perceived by local inhabitants (Barrasa and Reyes 2011; Andrade 2012). Overall, the area needs of an alternative conservation and production program that is in accordance with the biophysical and cultural reality of the region. <![CDATA[Tourism Management Perceptions in two Ecuadorian Biosphere Reserves: Galapagos and Sumaco]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200008&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en resumen está disponible en el texto completo<hr/>Abstract: The tourism is considered as one of the key strategies to promote environmental conservation and socio-economic development of local communities in protected areas. UNESCO biosphere reserves are protected areas of extraordinary natural and cultural value, conceived as places for reconciliation between conservation and development. The primary objective of this research was to evaluate the key elements of the current management of tourism and its contribution to biodiversity conservation and development in two Ecuadorian biosphere reserves: Galapagos Islands and Sumaco (Amazon Basin). Moreover, the sustainability of tourism was evaluated. Data collection for the case studies was performed by the combination of quantitative and qualitative methods. Surveys were applied to residents in both reserves in order to find out about their socio-demographic characteristics, their main economic activities for supporting themselves and their attitude towards tourism, their level of knowledge about biosphere reserves, and their perception about advantages or disadvantages of living in a biosphere reserve. For qualitative analysis, in-depth semi-structured interviews with the main stakeholders in both biosphere reserves were applied. Experts in the management of protected areas, as well as representatives of different sectors directly and indirectly associated with tourism were interviewed. Although tourism is a concept that could be developed in accordance with the environment in these natural areas, in the case of Galapagos it is one of the main threats for the conservation of biodiversity in the archipelago due to the increasing number of tourists, among others. In contrast, in Sumaco tourism could be an important sustainable alternative to mining and oil extraction, which are the current threats to the conservation of the area. There are serious problems in both reserves, mainly linked to the contamination of water resources. Such pollution imposes risks to the health to both, residents and tourists. The invasion of exotic species in Galapagos is one of the most serious threats to the conservation, while deforestation in combination with illegal logging and mining activities is the greatest danger in Sumaco. Migration processes undoubtedly shape the attitudes and values of the current population in both reserves. In Galapagos most residents are immigrants, whereas in Sumaco a significant portion is Kichwa people who belong to the area’s native population. In general, the inhabitants in both areas have not yet developed a true environmental awareness. Their awareness is based on usage, in the sense of “use it today and do not worry about it tomorrow”. In both reserves, tourist services offered by local communities have low quality standards and are targeted on a market segment consisting of tourists with a low budget. Thus, the community revenues obtained from tourism are generally only a small percentage of the total tourism market. This situation is much more noticeable in Galapagos where large companies that operate luxury cruises and hotels gain most of their revenues from tourism. Many of them have their headquarters in the main cities of Ecuador and abroad, which means that they pay their taxes in those cities and not in the places where they operate. Inequality in the distribution of the economic benefits of tourism leads to a situation of frustration among the residents. Despite this situation, tourism is still a profitable business and residents try to make the most of it, no matter the cost impacts. Temporary and illegal tourism activities is often the normal state of the things: unregistered houses that offer rooms for tourists, taxi drivers who offer tours without being in possession of permits, tourist boat owners, tour guides and even large tourist companies that operate without legal licenses. This situation leads to a decrease of the quality of services, an uncontrolled increase of business, a consequent dumping of prices and the overall decline of the destination. There are some serious limitations regarding the technical and logistical capacity of the institutions responsible for controlling and managing the tourist activity; they consist mainly in the lack of staff and funding. Galapagos, given its special status, has increased the number of funding managers and staff members for controlling and management, but in many cases, these people are not fully qualified for their positions. Sumaco has only few tourism experts who can help to develop the tourism. The coordination and planning among all stakeholders involved in tourism is still a work in progress to ensure proper management of the tourist destinations. In any case, local communities are developing important initiatives in both biosphere reserves. Adequate planning and coordination are mandatory to achieve sustainable tourism in Galapagos and Sumaco. <![CDATA[Socio-Environmental Risk Management. The case of the Buenavista Copper Mine in Cananea]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200009&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: En agosto de 2014, en la mina Buenavista del Cobre, ubicada en Cananea, Sonora, ocurrió un derrame de sulfato de cobre acidulado en el río Sonora. El derrame dio lugar a un desastre socioambiental que afectó a los habitantes y a los ecosistemas de la cuenca del río. Tras investigar cómo se gestionan los procesos de riesgo-desastre de origen antrópico, a partir del caso del derrame tóxico de la mina de cobre Buenavista, encontramos que la política de protección civil y la ambiental, encargadas de estos riesgos, están desvinculadas entre sí, no convergen en objetivos, estrategias ni escalas de acción, lo que genera vacíos en su gestión, por lo que es necesaria una mayor interconexión entre las políticas, los niveles de gobierno, las empresas y la población para poder gestionar los riesgos químico-tecnológicos. Ambas políticas deben proyectarse sobre los planes de desarrollo local, estatal y nacional, con la finalidad de lograr una mayor congruencia entre el modelo de desarrollo y la protección de la población, sus bienes y los ecosistemas.<hr/>Abstract: In August 2014, a 40 thousand squaremeter acidified copper sulphate spill took place at the Buenavista del Cobre mine, which belongs to Grupo México, located in Cananea, Sonora. It flowed down the Tinajas stream, as well as the Bacanuchi and Sonora rivers to El Molinito dam, which supplies water to Hermosillo City. The spill brought about the worst socio-environmental disaster linked to the mining industry in the nation’s history. It took its toll on the health and economy of the municipalities of Cananea, Ures, Baviácora, Aconchi, San Felipe de Jesús, Huépac, Banámichi and Arizpe, including the ecosystems in the basin of Sonora River. According to the nearby residents of the basin, the three levels of government and the Buenavista del Cobre mine disregarded the disaster. The primary remedial action, taken by Grupo México, was the creation of a trust to compensate the damages of affected people, and to clean up the river. Nevertheless, the local population found this solution to be inappropriate and insufficient. Thus, a united front against Grupo México was formed, which brought together those affected by the spill and other social actors to protest publicly against the damages caused by the Buenavista del Cobre mine. It is relevant to highlight that the facility of one of the hydraulic power stations, which supplies the mining company with water, was taken over. At the same time, the Basin Committees of Sonora River engaged in a legal battle against the Buenavista del Cobre mine due to the violation of the human right to a healthy environment. The text addresses the anthropogenic hazard-disaster process management implemented since the toxic spill of the Buevanista del Cobre mine. The mining industry is a widespread activity on national territory, but the hazards derived from it receive little attention by the three levels of government in spite of the fact that Mexico regulates the civil and environmental protection policies, which protects of the local population, its goods and the ecosystems. The chemical and technological hazard process management raises some problems, for these two policies are dissociated from each other. They do not share any goals, strategies or action plans; therefore, a greater interconnection between the two is necessary, as well as among the levels of the government, the companies and the residents so as to manage the chemical and technological hazards and to avoid disasters. Both policies must be implemented into development schemes at the local, state and national levels in order to reach a consistency between the development model and the protection of the local population, its goods and the ecosystems, since disasters of this kind are a consequence of the model of economic growth. The disaster under consideration, called “ecocide” due to its consequences, demonstrates that civil and environmental protection policies are reactive rather than preventive. Preventive actions under government oversight are scarce; especially when it comes to hazards derived from the activity of large, important and influential companies at a local, regional and even national level. That is the case of the Buenavista del Cobre mine, which did not comply with any of the requirements established by civil protection or environmental law at the time of the spill. This is relevant because hazard management seeks to control the future unintended consequences derived from anthropogenic activities. Thus, actions must be taken before one of these consequences emerges. The hazard-disaster processes have an unavoidable spatial dimension. Therefore, they must be taken into account in development plans especially at the municipal level since that is the level of administrative political organization of the territory where contingencies are put into place, and where the impacts and consequences of the disasters are experienced. Building upon this study, it is noticeable that the civil protection policy tends to omit the anthropogenic hazards, and the preventive tasks regarding them are left in the hands of the same companies responsible for creating them, without any strict monitoring. Over time, the company has fueled a great amount of environmental damage, and has socialized with the residents of the municipality of Cananea and the basin of Sonora River, while the profits have been privatized. The disaster caused major damages to the local population and ecosystems. Therefore, this should constitute an opportunity for the three levels of government and the secretariats involved to redefine hazard management guidelines in order to lead to mitigation and a guaranteed compensation of damages when natural disasters should happen. <![CDATA[The geography of Mexico breast cancer]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200010&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Esta investigación se orientó a localizar y cartografiar las regiones geográficas dónde se han presentado con mayor incidencia los casos de cáncer de mama entre la población femenina de México. Se analizaron los factores geográficos predominantes para establecer si la relación entre estos y los diferentes aspectos ambientales pueden condicionar la presencia y el desarrollo de dicha neoplasia. La delimitación se sustentó en el análisis de las estadísticas de las tasas de mortalidad y morbilidad a partir del año 2000. Esto permitió seleccionar ciento veinte municipios donde constantemente se han incrementado los valores de estas variables. En los municipios objetivo se revisó el comportamiento de las variables elegidas: aguas superficiales contaminadas, aguas subterráneas contaminadas (acuíferos), suelos contaminados, afectación de la calidad del aire por la actividad de las plantas termoeléctricas y de la industria contaminante. La metodología se basó en el análisis espacial y estadístico de las variables señaladas, completándose con la aplicación de los modelos de regresión múltiple en los municipios de ocurrencia, considerando los datos estadísticos de cáncer de mama y de las variables seleccionadas, resultando positiva esta relación en tres de las variables del estudio: industrias, acuíferos y suelos contaminados, por lo que se concluye que la conjunción de diversos factores contaminantes en un mismo lugar dan como resultado un presencia más acentuada de esta enfermedad en espacios específicos de México, lo que puede ayudar a focalizar la aplicación de políticas públicas para la prevención y atención de este padecimiento.<hr/>Abstract: This research was aimed at locating and mapping the geographical regions where the cases of breast cancer among the female population of Mexico have been most prevalent, analyzing the predominant geographic factors and establishing if the relationship between these and the different environmental aspects may be conditioning the presence and development of this neoplasm. The delimitation was based primarily on the analysis of the temporal evolution of mortality and morbidity rates of this disease since 2000, by state, which allowed the identification of twelve entities that sustained the highest rates throughout twelve years, as well as the municipalities where the most relevant data of this disease were recorded during that period. Likewise, the twelve states with the lowest rates were delimited in this respect, to review which municipalities of these states presented the most significant mortality and morbidity data and to review in the subsequent analysis, the coincidences or divergences presented by both antagonistic spaces. In total, one hundred twenty municipalities were selected for the analysis of environmental factors that have been identified in various sources as potential sources of risk in the development of breast cancer. The variables analyzed are: contaminated surface waters, contaminated soils, contaminated groundwater, polluting industries and air pollution from thermoelectric plants and how they have been spatially and statistically expressed in the target municipalities. The methodology was based on the analysis of the spatial behavior of the variables indicated and was complemented with the application of the multiple regression models in the target or occurrence municipalities. Considering the statistical data of breast cancer and the selected variables, the relationship resulted positive in three variables: industries, contaminated groundwater and contaminated soils. Some of the most relevant results were: First, according with the indicators currently used by the National Water Commission (CONAGUA) regarding the severely contaminated water surface: five-day biochemical oxygen demand (BOD5), chemical oxygen demand (DQO) and The total suspended solids (SST), coincided the presence of them in seventy-four of the target municipalities that equal 61.6%. Second, by analyzing the COD index separately, as it shows contamination by industrial discharges and agricultural activity, it turned out that eighty-six sites (74%) contaminated with this indicator of a total of 116 points recorded by CONAGUA are located in the Municipalities. Concerning the presence of groundwater (aquifers) contaminated mainly with nitrates in concentrations greater than 45 mg / l; in the counts of spatial analysis, it is observed that in seventy-five of the target municipalities (65%), this variable is present. Another relevant result was to review the location of thermoelectric plants generating electric energy that run on fuels that affect air quality such as fuel oil, coal and disel, all three generate carcinogenic elements when they combust. In this case of the total of the eighty-four thermoelectric plants operating in the country, fifty-eight (69%) are located in thirty-nine of the target municipalities (32.5%). And of the total number of polluting industries that operate in the country, only five (4.1%) of the target municipalities did not have this type of industry, so this variable was very significant in the study areas. Finally, the presence of sites contaminated with hazardous wastes (RP), resulting from wastes generated by the mining, basic chemistry, petrochemical, oil refining and agribusiness industries, were also present in 112 (93.3%) of the target municipalities. It is concluded that it was relevant to delimit the main spaces where breast cancer has developed during the last twelve years, since this allowed the application of the physical variables to be able to identify several risk factors that have converged in them, a situation that can, possibly explain, in part, the presence of this neoplasm among the female population of certain regions of Mexico. This is of importance if one considers that the World Health Organization attributes to environmental factors as the cause of the development of more than eighty percent of the cancers that occur in the world, mainly lung and breast cancer. This analysis makes it possible to focus and implement public policies aimed at the prevention and detection of women who are currently exposed to the risk factors described in the study and in the designation of resources for the treatment and care of the population that already suffers this disease. The later, considering that breast cancer is currently a serious public health problem, due to the marked increase registered in this cancer among Mexican women every year. <![CDATA[Why the people don´t use the Subway? The impact of the transportation system on Mexico City´s structure]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200011&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[El trabajo de campo en la investigación geográfica de la pesca comercial ribereña en las áreas naturales protegidas del estado de Campeche, México]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200012&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Ramírez Velázquez, B. R. y L. López Levi (2015), <em>Espacio, paisaje, región, territorio y lugar: La diversidad en el pensamiento contemporáneo</em>, (Colección: Geografía para el siglo XXI, Serie: Textos Universitarios, núm. 17), Instituto de Geografía, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México y Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xochimilco, México, 207 pp., ISBN: 978-607-02-7615-6]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200013&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Arquine (2016), <em>Guía de Arquitectura. Guadalajara.</em> Editorial Arquine, México, 225 pp., ISBN 978-607-7784-45-6]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200014&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Ribera Carbó, E. (2016), <em>Élisée Reclus. La anarquía y otros textos</em>, (Colección: <em>Clásicos de la resistencia civil</em>: 14) Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos, México, 88 pp., ISBN 978-607-8434-88-6]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200015&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Dalla-Corte Caballero, G. (2016), <em>De España a Francia. Brigadistas paraguayos a través de la fotografía.</em> Universitat de Barcelona, Barcelona, 201 pp., ISBN 978-84-475-4009-9]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200016&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Cramaussel, Ch. (Ed.: 2016), <em>Los caminos transversales. La geografía histórica olvidada de México</em>. El Colegio de Michoacán/Universidad Juárez del Estado de Durango, Zamora, Michoacán, México, 372 pp., ISBN COLMICH 978-607-9470-60-9. ISBN UJED 978-607-503-180-4]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200017&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Coll-Hurtado, A. (2016), <em>Espacio y ocio: el turismo en México</em>, (Colección: Temas Selectos de Geografía de México. I. Textos monográficos, 5. Economía), Instituto de Geografía, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, México, 168 pp., ISBN: 978-607-02-8505-9]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200018&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[García de León, A. (2016), <em>El mar de los deseos. El Caribe afroandaluz, historia y contrapunto</em>, Fondo de Cultura Económica, México, 301 pp., ISBN 978-607-16-3931-8]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200019&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Alcántara Ayala, I., Garnica Peña, R., Coll-Hurtado, A. y Gutiérrez de MacGregor, M. T. (Coords.). (2017). <em>Inestabilidad de laderas en Teziutlán, Puebla. Factores inductores del riesgo de desastres,</em> Instituto de Geografía, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 223 pp., ISBN 978-607-02-9136-4]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200020&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Exposición: <em>Paisaje: patrimonio e identidad. Un análisis desde la Colección Sura y Franz Mayer.</em> Museo Franz Mayer, Centro Histórico, Cd. Mx., 2 de marzo al 21 de mayo de 2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200021&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Conferencia: “Las raíces anarquistas de la Geografía”, Profesor Simon Springer (Department of Geography, University of Victoria), Instituto de Geografía, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, Ciudad Universitaria, Cd. Mx., 2 de mayo 2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200022&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation. <![CDATA[Primer Encuentro de Geógrafos Españoles en México. Red de Científicos Españoles en México, A. C. Consejería de Cultura de la Embajada de España en México. Centro Cultural de España, Centro Histórico, Cd. Mx., 8 y 9 de junio de 2017]]> http://www.scielo.org.mx/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext&pid=S0188-46112017000200023&lng=en&nrm=iso&tlng=en Resumen: Ese artículo aborda por qué el Metro de la Ciudad de México se usa menos que otros medios de transporte, según datos del 2007 y tambien de 2015. Explicamos esta baja movilidad por factores como la distancia de caminata a las estaciones, la cobertura del servicio, la densidad de estaciones así como la facilidad para el transbordo y los tiempos de espera. Los primeros resultados indican que los usuarios caminan hasta 800 metros desde y hacia las estaciones. El área de influencia de las estaciones es de 16.6% de la zona metropolitana y tenemos una estación cada tres km2, mientras Tokio tiene una y París tres cada km2. En contraste, 44% de los viajes como segundo y tercer modo, llega a siete estaciones terminales del Metro. Como aportación identificamos cuatro secuencias entre diversos medios de viaje lo que permite superar la lectura simple como unimodal o multimodal. Esto se comprueba por medio de una regresión logística. Finalmente, demostramos que el sistema se elige menos para ir al trabajo que para las compras; que el mayor número de transbordos desalienta su uso; que la razón de momios (odds ratio) para el rango de 0 a 400 m de caminata disminuye de 8.3 a 5.1 entre los 401 y los 800 m. Estos resultados sugieren que para incrementar el uso del Metro, sin construir nuevas líneas, se deben mejorar las condiciones para el transbordo y adecuar los espacios exteriores a las estaciones.<hr/>Abstract: According to available data (2007), the subway of Mexico City transports 13.5% of total passengers; less than any other means of transportation, such as collective taxis (44.9%) or private cars (22.1%) do. This tendency has not changed in 2015. To explain this low mobility, factors such as home-to-station walking distance, station location and density, socio-economic variables, (income, education, sex, age, motive, automobile property), transshipment ability and waiting time were examined. The analysis revealed: i) that subway users are willing to travel a distance of up to 800 meters in order to arrive to a train station, ii) the resultant buffer of the subway stations is considered an area of influence but it covers only 16.6% of the metropolitan surface area, iii) area known as “walkable” was also considered iv) density of stations is one third of the one at Tokyo and nine times less than at the municipality of Paris. These characteristics are a serious problem for a costly system that still influences the urban structure of the city. Mexico city´s subway system register daily: 4.1 million trips as round trips and 2.2 millions one-way trips related to work, school, shopping or entertainment. This next step was to analyze the daily trips from the periphery of the city toward the center that reach up to 1.5 million users, and cause the saturation to seven of the available final stations. In this condition, we have the second hypothesis that there are different logics of decision for the subway use between the “walkable” and periphery citizens. In the first place, citizens normally choose the subway over other means of transportation aforementioned, (collective taxi, private car, suburban bus or taxi) after taking travel time budget into consideration. In the second place, the amount of passengers who can finish their trips at the station was compared to the amount of passengers who cannot. The analysis showed how the deficient coordination of transportation added to the poor urban planning concentrating only shopping and study areas around the stations affect the population. Therefore, some subway passengers can finish their trips at the stations, while others have to, not just add another means of transportations, but also the walking distance and the waiting time. These issues are associated to the transfer times, “walkable” environment, urban planning and station facilities, such as moving walkway and elevators. Therefore, the users have four options: a) take the subway at least one time in the course of their trips b) choose another means of transportation; c) finish their journeys at the subway stations or d) add another means of transportation after the subway use. Then the logistic regression is applied twice to test the probabilities. Through the first regression, the obtained value of pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.38) shows that -contrary to other cities-, passengers use the subway in order to get to work (1.03) less than to go shopping (1.2). The high value of the transshipment variable (41.0) shows the importance of taking this factor into account. The low-income residents (2001 to 8000 pesos per month) use the subway more than the medium-income residents (8001 to 12000 pesos per month). Furthermore, the second regression with pseudo R square of Negelkerke (0.3) reveals that passengers tend to use this modality more to go shopping (0.8) or to their place of study (0.17) than to get to work (−0.2) because the main universities and the traditional market places (mercado) are located around the stations. It is possible to assume that a longer waiting time and a higher number of transshipment may discourage people to travel by subway. Once the odds ratio of walking a distance between 400m and 800m decreases from 8.3 to 5.1, it is possible to assume that a walking distance between 0m and 400m may be the strategic areas to increase its use. Concluding, it is possible to increase the use of the subway system by improving the functionality at current stations as well as urban areas around them. Finally, some urban planning guidelines are suggested to achieve a more efficient system operation.